Corporate Contributions Are Not Limited In Virginia

This is part three of a series on the state of campaign finance law in Virginia. So far, we’ve covered the personal use of campaign funds, which is legal in Virginia, and the lack of limits on campaign contributions in the state. This week, VaOurWay is looking at corporate campaign contributions. Unlike other states, Virginia doesn’t place any restrictions on how much a corporation can contribute to a political campaign. Stay tuned for more information on how Virginia can improve campaign finance law to build a more accountable state government. 


Virginia is just one of five states without any restrictions on how much a corporation can contribute to a campaign for state office. It’s common for states throughout the country to place limits on how much a corporation can give to a candidate; in states like New Jersey and Maryland, corporations can contribute no more than individuals can. Two of Virginia’s neighbors, Kentucky and North Carolina, join 20 other states in going so far as to prohibit corporate contributions altogether.


With absolutely no restrictions on how much of a financial influence a corporation can have on state elections, Virginia stands out among the other states. What is it about corporate contributions that most of the country has tried to regulate that lawmakers in Virginia seem to be missing?


When corporations are able to spend without restraint on their preferred candidates, their enormous contributions drown out the interests of individuals. This could give corporations much more influence than ordinary people over candidates. It costs a lot of money to run a campaign; candidates in need of financial support might be incentivized to support policies favorable to their lavish corporate donors instead of policies that work for individual constituents, who are unlikely to be able to donate as much as a corporation can. 


There are clear, recent examples of corporations buying influence to benefit themselves rather than constituents here in Virginia. Dominion Energy, a regulated utility corporation, spent $1.274 million on candidates and political committees in Virginia in 2020 alone. Over the years, Dominion has contributed millions to General Assembly candidates, resulting in policies that have led to higher profits for the energy company while Virginians pay the sixth highest energy bills in the country. 


A 2021 bill that would have granted the State Corporation Commission (the regulatory body which oversees public utilities) more authority in its ability to lower customer rates was swiftly killed in the Senate Commerce and Labor Committee after comfortably passing the House of Delegates. Passage of the bill would have made it possible for Virginians to pay lower energy bills, but eight members of the committee count Dominion among their top donors. These members — Senators Saslaw, Norment, Newman, Obenshain, Lucas, Barker, Mason, and Lewis — voted in the interest of a corporation that significantly funds their campaigns, rather than voting for a bill that is clearly in the interest of their constituents. 


This is a crystal clear illustration of how corporations, capable of contributing millions in a single election cycle, are able to buy influence with lawmakers. These lawmakers are then incentivized to enact policy favorable to corporate donors, which may not necessarily be in the interest of typical constituents. 


Recent years have seen attempts to ban corporate campaign contributions at the state level in Virginia. During the 2021 General Assembly session, two bills that would have banned political contributions from public utilities like Dominion failed to get a floor vote. A number of similar bills have been introduced during every session in recent memory. Governor Ralph Northam called for an end to corporate political contributions during his campaign in 2017, but it seems he’ll be leaving Richmond without having achieved this priority.



In the interest of preventing political influence from remaining largely in the hands of corporate donors, Virginia should act to prohibit corporations from contributing to political campaigns; doing so would create a more democratic, accountable commonwealth.


By VOW Ops March 9, 2026
Power bills are going up in America and the people are angry. They know whom to blame—the bosses of technology firms thirsting for more juice to fuel artificial-intelligence data centres. Ashburn, a town of 45,000 in a featureless part of Virginia that has earned the nickname “Data Centre Alley”, has some 150 of these. They consume roughly as much electricity as Philadelphia, a city of 1.6m. On March 4th Donald Trump convened tech leaders to sign a pledge to “build, bring or buy their own power supply…ensuring that Americans’ electricity bills will not increase”. Their solemn pledges notwithstanding, the chief executives can do little to contain prices. That is not, though, because AI is unstoppable. It is because the AI boom is not chiefly to blame for the rising costs. In the past few years retail electricity prices have indeed outpaced overall inflation (see chart 1). And data centres are gobbling up more power. Goldman Sachs, a bank, reckons that they will account for nearly half of the overall demand growth in America in the coming years. Yet even bullish forecasts put data centres’ share of total demand at only a fifth in 2030. Today it is less than a tenth. A study last year by the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory showed that data-centre load was not the main cause of the rate rises in the five years to 2024. It fingered grid upgrades and rising costs of power-generating equipment and raw materials such as copper. Wood Mackenzie, a research firm, estimates that last year demand for distribution transformers outstripped supply by 10%. For power transformers the gap was 30%. Manufacturers report waiting lists for essential grid-related kit stretching to 120 weeks or more, up from 50 weeks in 2021. Many prices started going up in early 2021, nearly two years before the launch of ChatGPT ignited the AI boom. They are likely to keep rising for non-AI reasons. The Edison Electric Institute, which represents private-sector utilities, predicts its members’ cumulative capital spending will reach $1.1trn between 2025 and 2029, up from $765bn in the previous five years. More than half the sum for distribution and transmission infrastructure will go on replacing ageing equipment and hardening it against extreme weather made likelier by climate change. Between 2019 and 2023 big Californian utilities spent $27bn just on mitigating wildfire risk. These investments have been neglected for years. Now, says an industry bigwig, AI provides a pretext to help win approval from regulators to pass the cost on to consumers. And these are not the only non-AI cost pressures. Even before the war in Iran caused natural-gas prices to rise, analysts were predicting that domestic buyers would be increasingly competing with foreign ones as more export terminals for liquefied natural gas come online. Mr Trump, an inveterate renewables sceptic, has not helped by impeding the growth of solar and wind capacity. Peter Fox-Penner of the Brattle Group, a consultancy, notes that as a result prices are rising needlessly for the cheapest forms of new power generation. AI may even be lowering prices. The tech giants are already investing in their own capacity (mostly, whisper it, in the clean variety). Microsoft has signed a long-term deal to restart a nuclear reactor at Three Mile Island to supply its data centres. Meta has backed a handful of nuclear startups. In December Google’s corporate parent, Alphabet, paid $5bn for Intersect Power, a developer of utility-scale solar power and battery storage. A data centre in Ashburn belonging to Equinix, a big operator, is experimenting with fuel cells. Besides adding its own supply, big tech is making existing capacity more flexible. Google has agreed to novel tariff arrangements with Indiana Michigan Power, a midwestern utility, whereby its data centres can reduce their consumption when other demand is high. Microsoft is going further. In one of its Irish data centres it uses backup batteries as a “grid stabiliser” that can push power back into the network or draw excess power from it at times of stress. Since grids often run well below full capacity, adding a large, flexible customer can bring in lots of revenue for utilities without requiring costly expansion. This lets the utilities lower rates for households while preserving their margins. The Electric Power Research Institute, a think-tank, found that some states with high load growth between 2019 and 2024 reported price declines, after adjusting for inflation (see chart 2). The World Resources Institute, another think-tank, notes that in North Dakota rising demand from oil and gas extraction, cryptocurrency miners, data-centre operators and food-processors led to large price reductions for local electricity users. PG&E, a big Californian utility, estimates that adding a gigawatt of load could lower bills by up to 2%. If Americans want lower electricity bills, they should be shouting for more AI, not less. Original article can be found here .
By VOW Ops January 21, 2026
The second year of results from Virginia’s recently established Quality Establishment and Improvement System (VQB5) for early childhood education found that 99% of childcare providers receiving state funding meet or exceed quality expectations. As of early December 2025, over 154,000 views have been recorded on the system’s website since its October 2024 debut, revealing the many parents and families who appreciate the information that VQB5 offers them. None of these wonderful results would even be available to admire without the support and success we had in passing HB 1012 and SB 578 back in 2020! The data focuses on classroom interactions between children and caregivers and notes how said interactions encourage kids to express themselves at a young age. The state has also enacted categories of excellence for providers who score in the top 10%, exceed quality expectations, or even show significant improvement from an evaluation the year before. On top of that, a new data system called VAConnects helps integrate information on students over the years to track their learning progress. The Department of Education wishes to sustain the program and has requested $735,000 to do so. Overall, Virginia is serving as a model for other states to use in establishing best practices for their early childhood programs. Read more here .
By VOW Ops January 21, 2026
An August survey reveals that large majorities of Virginians want state lawmakers to address the rising cost of housing. The survey was conducted by Housing Opportunities Made Equal of Virginia and Freedom Virginia. More than 8 in 10 Virginians said the General Assembly needs to act. More than 3 in 4 Virginians want lawmakers to prevent landlords from raising rents each year by more than 7%. Many Virginians also supported the idea of the state incentivizing localities to build more housing and providing developers with an ability to appeal rejected housing projects. Many proposals that were made to address all these public concerns were struck down during the 2025 legislative session. One of the main reasons why all the mentioned proposals failed to pass the General Assembly is because of the large influence the local government lobbies have in Richmond in protecting what little authority they are granted by the state. However, 6 in 10 Virginians indicated that they are more concerned with providing more housing than protecting local government authority. Read more here.
Show More