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[Virginia Public Media] New Virginia Law Will Expand Zoning for Manufactured Homes

Thu, 23 Apr 2026 20:42:38 GMT

[Virginia Public Media] New Virginia Law Will Expand Zoning for Manufactured Homes

Manufactured homes are constructed in a factory and then transported to a land plot instead of traditional homes which are built on site. Despite the cost-savings constructors and prospective homeowners earn from manufactured homes, outdated stigma prevents them from being located anywhere other than agricultural zones. As part of her Affordability Agenda, Governor Spanberger has signed legislation which will expand where manufactured homes can be located.

Under HB 655 and SB 346, starting July 1st Manufactured homes can now be located within any residential zone intended for traditional homes (with exceptions for historic districts). Further, localities will not be permitted to place different rules or any additional restrictions on manufactured homes that would not be imposed on single-family homes. Both bills passed the General Assembly with near-unanimous support.

Executive Director of the Virginia Manufactured and Modular Housing Association Randy Grumbine says the new laws “could be very significant” in removing barriers that have been in place for decades. In 2020, a single-section manufactured home cost 35% the price of a similar-sized traditional home. Virginians have been facing affordability challenges when looking for housing – especially over the last several years – and they continue to experience a housing shortage which only exacerbates the problem. Del. Maldonado and Sen. VanValkenburg have noted that the strong bipartisan support they received for their respective bills is because Virginia’s housing crisis affects everyone regardless of partisan affiliation.

Beyond the expansion of locations for manufactured homes, Governor Spanberger also signed HB 1227, which increases the amount of state funding toward affordable housing. She also signed HB 4, which gives localities the authority to require property owners to give the local government or developer the first chance to purchase property to build affordable housing.

You can read the full article here for more details.

[Virginia Mercury] Virginia Lawmakers Recess Special Session Without Budget Deal

Thu, 23 Apr 2026 18:20:33 GMT

[Virginia Mercury] Virginia Lawmakers Recess Special Session Without Budget Deal

Members of the General Assembly briefly convened for a special session on Thursday, April 23rd to address disputes between Democrats in the House of Delegates and State Senate over budget priorities. After a few hours, both chambers went into recess without coming to a deal for Virginia’s $212 billion biennial budget and with no clear timeline on when they will come back to continue negotiations.

The biggest sticking point creating friction between the Delegates and State Senators in the General Assembly is whether the sales tax exemption provided to data centers should be eliminated. Currently, data centers that invest at least $150 million and create at least 50 well-paying jobs qualify for sales tax exemptions on equipment (e.g. servers, routers, and cooling equipment). The exemption was implemented in 2010 and sunsets in 2035 but may be extended to 2050 if certain conditions are met.

Senate Democrats have argued that the exemption prevents Virginia from earning about $1.6 billion in annual state revenue – a significant increase from the original estimate of $1.5 million annually that was predicted when the sales tax exemption was first implemented. Chair of the Senate Finance and Appropriations Committee Sen. Louise Lucas (D-Portsmouth) wants to end the data center sales tax exemption by January 1st, 2027. $300 million of the newly generated tax revenue would be dedicated to funding multi-modal transportation projects across the Commonwealth. However, Democrats in the House have not agreed to the Senate’s proposal to end the sales tax exemption. Lawmakers and data center representatives have continued negotiating compromises to the policy impasse – proposing energy-consumption taxes for high-demand data centers or narrowing what equipment qualifies for the sales tax exemption as alternatives. Unfortunately, none of the alternatives have been accepted by both chambers.

Further complicating budget negotiations are vetoes Governor Spanberger made to legislation the General Assembly passed that would have legalized skill games. Lawmakers expected to generate about $250 million in state tax revenue from that market. In her veto, Spanberger cited a lack of centralized regulation of skill games and how they were primarily concentrated in lower-income communities when previously permitted. Regardless, Democrats in the General Assembly were caught off guard by her veto and now must figure out how to make up for the unexpected shortfall in their planned tax revenue.

If lawmakers fail to pass a budget before July 1st, then the state government would shut down. House Minority Leader Del. Terry Kilgore (R-Scott) warned that compared to the federal government, a shutdown of Virginia’s state government would be felt more quickly by Virginians. Still, he and other lawmakers remain hopeful that the disagreements between the House and Senate budget proposals will be resolved before June 30th – when Virginia’s current biennial budget terminates.

You can read the full article here for more details.

[Virginia Mercury] Data Center Bills Dominated This Year’s General Assembly. Here’s What Happened

Thu, 19 Mar 2026 12:59:49 GMT

[Virginia Mercury] Data Center Bills Dominated This Year’s General Assembly. Here’s What Happened

Virginia’s growing data center economy was the center of attention for this year’s General Assembly session, with lawmakers balancing the industry’s benefits against its costs to communities. Of the many bills that were proposed to regulate data centers, some passed both the House and Senate and now head to Governor Spanberger’s desk for either her signature or veto.

SB 253 (Sen. Louise Lucas, D-Portsmouth) would extend a program Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power Company offer low-income customers to reduce their monthly energy bills by weatherproofing their houses. The bill also gives the State Corporation Commission (SCC) the liberty to determine if more of the cost of generating electricity for data centers should fall onto them and large manufacturers instead of homeowners. SB 553 (Sen. Srinivasan, D-Loudoun) would direct water utilities to provide monthly or quarterly reports on how much water they are providing to data centers. Currently, data centers can withhold their water usage as an industry secret. SB 94 (Sen. Roem, D-Manassas) and HB 153 (Del. Thomas, D-Prince William) would require applicants who request localities to rezone for “high-load users” to submit site assessment reports. Localities would then be able to use the information from said reports to determine if the application conforms with their zoning requirements.

HB 507 (Del. McAuliff, D-Loudoun) would mandate the Department of Environmental Quality to deny air permits for data center generators after July 2026 unless they meet stricter environmental regulations. Currently, data centers are allowed limited use of backup generators that run on diesel fuel, which have resulted in next-door neighbors complaining of noxious fumes spilling into their communities. HB 323 (Del. Sullivan, D-Fairfax) directs the Department of Energy to study how to best utilize waste heat generated by data centers to meet heating demands from neighboring buildings.

One of the most robust debates involving data centers revolved around the sales tax exemption given to them on their server equipment and software. The Senate budget bill would end the exemption, hoping to recover the $1.6 billion they argue the state loses annually as a result. The House budget bill would keep the exemption but stipulate additional requirements for data centers to remain in compliance with receiving the exemption. The data center industry has rebutted the proposals to end the tax exemption, arguing that it has brought billions of dollars in investment into Virginia. Furthermore, the issue does not fall along clear, partisan lines, with both Democrats and Republicans arguing for against ending the exemption. The issue has ultimately ground Virginia’s budget approval process to a halt, with neither chamber coming to a consensus on the state’s biennial budget. Governor Spanberger has called for a special session beginning April 23rd so that the General Assembly can resolve the dispute.

You can read the full article here for more details.

[The Economist] Americans’ Electricity Bills Are Up. Don’t Blame AI

Mon, 09 Mar 2026 13:58:49 GMT

[The Economist] Americans’ Electricity Bills Are Up. Don’t Blame AI

Power bills are going up in America and the people are angry. They know whom to blame—the bosses of technology firms thirsting for more juice to fuel artificial-intelligence data centres. Ashburn, a town of 45,000 in a featureless part of Virginia that has earned the nickname “Data Centre Alley”, has some 150 of these. They consume roughly as much electricity as Philadelphia, a city of 1.6m. On March 4th Donald Trump convened tech leaders to sign a pledge to “build, bring or buy their own power supply…ensuring that Americans’ electricity bills will not increase”.

Their solemn pledges notwithstanding, the chief executives can do little to contain prices. That is not, though, because AI is unstoppable. It is because the AI boom is not chiefly to blame for the rising costs.

In the past few years retail electricity prices have indeed outpaced overall inflation (see chart 1). And data centres are gobbling up more power. Goldman Sachs, a bank, reckons that they will account for nearly half of the overall demand growth in America in the coming years.

Yet even bullish forecasts put data centres’ share of total demand at only a fifth in 2030. Today it is less than a tenth. A study last year by the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory showed that data-centre load was not the main cause of the rate rises in the five years to 2024. It fingered grid upgrades and rising costs of power-generating equipment and raw materials such as copper. Wood Mackenzie, a research firm, estimates that last year demand for distribution transformers outstripped supply by 10%. For power transformers the gap was 30%. Manufacturers report waiting lists for essential grid-related kit stretching to 120 weeks or more, up from 50 weeks in 2021.

Many prices started going up in early 2021, nearly two years before the launch of ChatGPT ignited the AI boom. They are likely to keep rising for non-AI reasons. The Edison Electric Institute, which represents private-sector utilities, predicts its members’ cumulative capital spending will reach $1.1trn between 2025 and 2029, up from $765bn in the previous five years. More than half the sum for distribution and transmission infrastructure will go on replacing ageing equipment and hardening it against extreme weather made likelier by climate change. Between 2019 and 2023 big Californian utilities spent $27bn just on mitigating wildfire risk. These investments have been neglected for years. Now, says an industry bigwig, AI provides a pretext to help win approval from regulators to pass the cost on to consumers.

And these are not the only non-AI cost pressures. Even before the war in Iran caused natural-gas prices to rise, analysts were predicting that domestic buyers would be increasingly competing with foreign ones as more export terminals for liquefied natural gas come online. Mr Trump, an inveterate renewables sceptic, has not helped by impeding the growth of solar and wind capacity. Peter Fox-Penner of the Brattle Group, a consultancy, notes that as a result prices are rising needlessly for the cheapest forms of new power generation.

AI may even be lowering prices. The tech giants are already investing in their own capacity (mostly, whisper it, in the clean variety). Microsoft has signed a long-term deal to restart a nuclear reactor at Three Mile Island to supply its data centres. Meta has backed a handful of nuclear startups. In December Google’s corporate parent, Alphabet, paid $5bn for Intersect Power, a developer of utility-scale solar power and battery storage. A data centre in Ashburn belonging to Equinix, a big operator, is experimenting with fuel cells.

Besides adding its own supply, big tech is making existing capacity more flexible. Google has agreed to novel tariff arrangements with Indiana Michigan Power, a midwestern utility, whereby its data centres can reduce their consumption when other demand is high. Microsoft is going further. In one of its Irish data centres it uses backup batteries as a “grid stabiliser” that can push power back into the network or draw excess power from it at times of stress. Since grids often run well below full capacity, adding a large, flexible customer can bring in lots of revenue for utilities without requiring costly expansion. This lets the utilities lower rates for households while preserving their margins.

The Electric Power Research Institute, a think-tank, found that some states with high load growth between 2019 and 2024 reported price declines, after adjusting for inflation (see chart 2). The World Resources Institute, another think-tank, notes that in North Dakota rising demand from oil and gas extraction, cryptocurrency miners, data-centre operators and food-processors led to large price reductions for local electricity users. PG&E, a big Californian utility, estimates that adding a gigawatt of load could lower bills by up to 2%. If Americans want lower electricity bills, they should be shouting for more AI, not less.

Original article can be found here .

[Virginia Public Media] Data: Virginia’s Early Childhood Education Providers Are Succeeding

Wed, 21 Jan 2026 19:19:23 GMT

[Virginia Public Media] Data: Virginia’s Early Childhood Education Providers Are Succeeding

The second year of results from Virginia’s recently established Quality Establishment and Improvement System (VQB5) for early childhood education found that 99% of childcare providers receiving state funding meet or exceed quality expectations. As of early December 2025, over 154,000 views have been recorded on the system’s website since its October 2024 debut, revealing the many parents and families who appreciate the information that VQB5 offers them. None of these wonderful results would even be available to admire without the support and success we had in passing HB 1012 and SB 578 back in 2020!

The data focuses on classroom interactions between children and caregivers and notes how said interactions encourage kids to express themselves at a young age. The state has also enacted categories of excellence for providers who score in the top 10%, exceed quality expectations, or even show significant improvement from an evaluation the year before.

On top of that, a new data system called VAConnects helps integrate information on students over the years to track their learning progress. The Department of Education wishes to sustain the program and has requested $735,000 to do so. Overall, Virginia is serving as a model for other states to use in establishing best practices for their early childhood programs. Read more here .

[Richmond Times Dispatch] Virginians want General Assembly Action on Housing, Survey Finds

Wed, 21 Jan 2026 19:16:57 GMT

[Richmond Times Dispatch] Virginians want General Assembly Action on Housing, Survey Finds

An August survey reveals that large majorities of Virginians want state lawmakers to address the rising cost of housing. The survey was conducted by Housing Opportunities Made Equal of Virginia and Freedom Virginia. More than 8 in 10 Virginians said the General Assembly needs to act. More than 3 in 4 Virginians want lawmakers to prevent landlords from raising rents each year by more than 7%. Many Virginians also supported the idea of the state incentivizing localities to build more housing and providing developers with an ability to appeal rejected housing projects.

Many proposals that were made to address all these public concerns were struck down during the 2025 legislative session. One of the main reasons why all the mentioned proposals failed to pass the General Assembly is because of the large influence the local government lobbies have in Richmond in protecting what little authority they are granted by the state. However, 6 in 10 Virginians indicated that they are more concerned with providing more housing than protecting local government authority. Read more here.

[Richmond Times Dispatch] Spanberger Details Affordability Measures in Health Care, Energy, Housing

Fri, 19 Dec 2025 14:24:51 GMT

[Richmond Times Dispatch] Spanberger Details Affordability Measures in Health Care, Energy, Housing

Governor-elect Spanberger has released details on how her administration will work with the General Assembly to address affordability issues for Virginians regarding health care, energy, and housing. Democrats in the General Assembly argue the proposals are needed to mitigate the effects of President Trump’s tariff policies and reduction of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies. Some of the solutions being proposed are legislation from the previous session that were vetoed by Republican Governor Glenn Youngkin.

In health care, Spanberger and Virginia Democrats will tackle pharmacy benefit managers’ ability to compel patients toward using affiliated-only pharmacies. The incoming administration also wants to limit the number of times insurance companies can request approvals from patients receiving certain cancer cares and medicines for chronic conditions. Democrats are also reviving legislation that would prohibit insurance companies from charging tobacco smokers higher premiums. Further, Spanberger supports implementing a pilot program to help Virginians who will face unaffordable insurance premiums resulting from the expiration of the ACA enhanced tax credits.

In energy, Spanberger called to make it easier for Virginians to utilize small-scale solar panels which don’t require hard labor to install. She also wants the previously vetoed legislation that would set energy storage standards for utility companies brought back to her desk (Governor Youngkin vetoed it because of his belief that the Virginia Clean Economy Act associated with it was ineffective).

In housing, Spanberger and Democrats are reviving legislation from 2025 that would extend the grace period tenants have before being evicted for missing rent payments. They are also proposing changes that would give local governments priority in acquiring affordable multi-family units supported by tax credits when the owner wants to sell or convert them. Further, Democrats are reintroducing a bill which would allow all localities to change their zoning ordinances to create dense and affordable housing (currently, only the counties of Albemarle and Loudoun and the cities of Alexandria, Charlottesville, and Fairfax are granted such provisions). Read more here.

[Virginia Tech Foundation | WVTF] Virginia Legislators Off Housing Ideas Ahead of 2026 Session

Thu, 13 Nov 2025 14:19:58 GMT

[Virginia Tech Foundation | WVTF] Virginia Legislators Off Housing Ideas Ahead of 2026 Session

Governor-elect Spanberger ran on housing affordability as a top priority. While the details of her plans remain minimal, Democratic lawmakers in the General Assembly are already brainstorming solutions ahead of the 2026 Regular Session. Senator VanValkenburg of Henrico County plans to introduce legislation that would change incentives localities consider when developing new housing projects, while Delegate Thomas of Prince William County wants to address how litigation slows down the creation of new housing.

Delegate Cole of Fredericksburg will reintroduce legislation that would allow faith and other tax-exempt groups to build housing on their properties, while Senator Aird of Petersburg and Delegate Price of Newport News will focus on sponsoring bills that would place more requirements on landlords before they evict tenants (currently, Virginia’s eviction rate is the highest in the nation). Republican Delegate Austin of Botetourt County warns against placing burdensome restrictions on localities’ ability to address the housing crisis but says he will keep an open ear to the proposals his Democratic counterparts bring forth. Read more here.

Weeks After Session, Business Remains Before General Assembly

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Mon, 16 May 2022 16:37:47 GMT

the legislature still has not approved a budget for the next two years

Lawmakers returned to Richmond late last month to consider vetoes and amendments proposed by Gov. Glenn Youngkin. After the General Assembly concluded its regular session in the middle of March, Youngkin vetoed 26 bills — 25 of which passed along bipartisan lines — and issued over 100 amendments to bills passed by the legislature. None of Youngkin’s vetoes were successfully overridden, and most of his amendments were approved. And in the wake of record-breaking gas prices, Youngkin’s proposal to temporarily suspend Virginia’s gas tax was ultimately defeated in the state Senate during the veto session.

But even after what ended up being a busy special session, there is still unfinished business before the General Assembly.

Notably, the legislature still has not approved a budget for the next two years. While the Republican majority in the House of Delegates, the Democratic majority in the Senate, and Youngkin all agree spending needs to be increased for public education, public health, and police departments around the state, there are disagreements over exactly how much more to spend in the 2023 and 2024 fiscal years. Fueling these disagreements is a $3 billion gap in how much each party is expecting to raise in revenue; while Republicans are pushing for tax cuts, Democrats are seeking to conduct a study over the course of the next year on how tax cuts will impact revenue. The General Assembly needs to agree on a budget by June 30, when the current budget expires.

The delays in approving a state budget are reminiscent of the 2014 General Assembly, which did not finalize a budget until late June. The governor at the time, Democrat Terry McAuliffe, was engaged in a lengthy standoff with General Assembly Republicans over whether to expand Medicaid to 400,000 Virginians through the Affordable Care Act. In approving a budget, albeit one without the Medicaid expansion, the General Assembly staved off what would have been an unprecedented state government shutdown.

The General Assembly also needs to confirm two new justices to the state Supreme Court. Within the last year, Chief Justice Donald Lemons and Justice William Mims both announced their retirements. The vacancies have been a subject of discussion amongst legislators since the regular session convened in January, but there has been little progress on account of the politically split House and Senate. There are seven seats on the state Supreme Court, where justices serve 12-year terms.

The General Assembly’s inability to complete its work during the regular session has prompted calls from some to reform how often the body meets . Virginia’s legislature was initially designed to meet during the winter months in order to accommodate farmers; but today, Virginia is much more complex than the agrarian society it was during the 19th century. A longer session may allow for more time to adequately consider complex legislation, but would limit members’ ability to live and work in their districts for most of the year under the laws they’ve passed. But with so much essential work for the General Assembly to complete within the next few weeks, it’s unlikely there will be any serious talk of reform amongst legislators any time soon.

Billions Coming To Virginia Thanks To Bipartisan Infrastructure Law

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Mon, 02 May 2022 15:13:49 GMT

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act

Last November, President Joe Biden signed the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act into law. Commonly referred to as the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, the historic legislation will deliver $1.2 trillion throughout the country to address infrastructure needs. The funds will go toward building and repairing roads, ensuring every community has access to clean drinking water, bringing broadband to rural areas, and much more. Beyond providing the funds necessary for building a country ready for the challenges of the 21st century, the Bipartisan Infrastructure is expected to create up to two million jobs per year for the next decade.

There are two primary ways in which states and localities will receive funds allocated by the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law: formula funding and grant funding. Formula funding is noncompetitive — the amount of funds each state will receive is predetermined and calculated using a formula that takes a number of statistics into account. Grant funding, on the other hand, is competitive. To receive a grant, a state or locality must submit an application demonstrating how funds will meet a specific need.

Virginia is expected to receive billions of dollars in formula funding alone. The state will receive $7 billion to repair and build roads, with a special focus on ensuring everyone is safe on the road, including pedestrians and bicyclists. An additional $1.2 billion will go to Virginia to improve public transit in the state. With nearly 10% of Virginians living without access to broadband, the state will receive $100 million to ensure everyone in the state can access the internet. Hundreds of millions of dollars worth of formula funds will also be allocated to Virginia to prepare for the impacts of climate change, protect against cyberattacks, deliver clean drinking water to all, and bring much-needed modernization to the state’s airports.

Beyond these formula funds, additional money will be available for Virginia to take advantage of through grant funding. Applications need to be filed to access these funds, which come with different eligibility requirements and deadlines. Grant funding covers an enormous range of projects, including bridge investment programs, clean school bus programs, and even ferry service programs for rural communities. Deadlines for six grants worth a total of $24.85 billion are coming up in the month of May; Virginia Senator Mark Warner has a calendar on his website that's helpful for keeping up with all the due dates.

The billions of dollars in grant funding available specifically for rural communities are particularly noteworthy for Virginia. To ensure all rural communities have the potential to benefit from these funds, the White House has compiled the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law Rural Playbook , which identifies the funds available, describes the application process, and notes the day applications for funding are due. The playbook also includes information from seven federal agencies including the Department of Transportation, Department of the Interior, and the Department of Agriculture on how each agency can support rural communities in finding funding.

The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to invest in a stronger, more resilient America while creating high-paying jobs. With access to information on how to obtain grant funding, communities across Virginia have the opportunity to benefit from this massive investment.

Tax Cuts, Gas Prices, And Vetoes — Lawmakers Prepare For A Busy Special Session

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Thu, 14 Apr 2022 20:05:25 GMT

Lawmakers called back to Richmond

Having concluded the 2022 regular session without approving a budget, lawmakers were called back to Richmond by Gov. Glenn Youngkin earlier this month for the purpose of picking up where they left off in reaching a compromise on the biennium state budget. After meeting for just over an hour, the legislature went into recess, with lawmakers returning to their respective districts.

When the regular legislative session adjourned in March, the two budget proposals passed by the Republican-controlled House of Delegates and the Democratic-controlled state Senate contained about $3 billion in differences . Disagreements over tax cuts led to a stalemate in approving a final budget. Republicans have been trying to double the standard deduction on personal income taxes and eliminate the state and local grocery taxes. Democrats, on the other hand, are seeking to eliminate the state portion of the grocery tax while keeping a mechanism for localities to raise revenue via grocery taxes. Democrats would also rather conduct a study over the course of the next year on the impact tax cuts will have on revenue than move forward with doubling the standard deduction.

A conference committee consisting of 14 lawmakers from both the House and the Senate have been working together on a compromise budget since both chambers approved their respective proposals at the end of the session. Work has been slow, however, and without a budget compromise to vote on, the General Assembly went into recess as quickly as it had convened. Lawmakers are expected to return to Richmond once again on April 27th to consider amendments and vetoes Gov. Youngkin has made to bills passed by the legislature. They’ll also have another chance to approve a budget; the current fiscal year ends on June 30.

In the meantime, Gov. Youngkin has been considering bills sent to him from the legislature. So far, he has vetoed 25 bills, all of which received bipartisan support . Among the bills vetoed include one which would have established a three-year statute of limitations on the collection of medical debt, one which sought to prevent a repeat of this year’s I-95 traffic jam by prohibiting truck operators from using cruise control in snowy conditions, and one which would have prohibited penalties on health insurance premiums for tobacco usage. The governor also amended over 100 bills .

Providing Virginians with relief at the gas pump has also been a major topic of discussion among lawmakers as they gear up for a special session. With national gas prices hitting $4.33 last month, Gov. Youngkin has proposed suspending Virginia’s 26 cents per gallon gas tax for three months. Democrats in the House raised concerns about how such a suspension could impact the budget, and proposed providing all car owners in Virginia with a $50 gas rebate, or up to a $100 rebate for households. It’s unclear whether Senate Democrats support this proposal.

Lawmakers will have the opportunity to override Gov. Youngkin’s vetoes, consider his amendments, pass a measure to help Virginians pay for gas, and approve a biennial budget when they meet at the end of this month.

Thanks To Concerted Efforts, Virginia Is Becoming More Transparent And Democratic

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Mon, 04 Apr 2022 15:50:37 GMT

Community efforts are making an impact

Constantly in the process of becoming a more perfect Commonwealth, there are many ways that Virginia can still improve. Campaign finance laws in the state remain among the weakest in the whole country, and lobbying disclosure laws could be greatly improved in the name of transparency and accountability. Schools are overcrowded despite a rapidly growing population , and half of schools are in desperate need of modernization efforts to adequately educate students in the 21st century.

But there is some good news, too! Despite these issues and others that need to be addressed, Virginia has made significant progress in the last half decade in becoming a more transparent, democratic state that gives every individual the opportunity to actively participate in government.

While elections are always a hot topic in the news, there is often a lack of attention on what happens when Virginia’s General Assembly is actually in session. This was by design — until recently, it was tremendously difficult to access information about the legislative body. Just years ago, most committee and subcommittee meetings were only accessible in-person, meaning it was necessary to be in Richmond to have direct knowledge of the General Assembly’s proceedings.

Even worse, over half of bills killed during the 2017 General Assembly lacked a recorded vote, keeping Virginians in the dark about the decisions their representatives were making.

But today, thanks in part to the efforts of VaOurWay — which was founded in 2017 by a group of concerned Virginians who sought more transparency in state government — and other similar groups, Virginia is home to far more informed discourse between citizens and legislators, increased public engagement, and practical transparency.

Now, nearly all committee and subcommittee meetings are not only recorded, but also live-streamed virtually so more Virginians, no matter where they reside, are able to access our representative democracy at work. Additionally, during the most recent legislative session, just 19% of bills died without a recorded vote, down from 54% in 2017 . This is a significant improvement in just five years.

Virginia is a stronger democracy because of this transparency, which helps to hold elected officials accountable. Increased voter protections in recent years have also strengthened democracy in the Commonwealth. Whereas many states have generated alarming headlines in the past year because of legislative efforts to roll back voter protections, Virginia was called “a voting rights bastion” by the New York Times in 2021. That’s because of a 2021 bill, signed into law by Governor Ralph Northam , that explicitly prohibits any discrimination on the basis of race, color or language, allows voters to challenge in court any change to the election process that might negatively impact minority communities, and requires election officials to provide ballots in languages other than English in localities with a sizable percentage of non-English speakers.

There remains much work to be done in building a Virginia home to good governance, legislative transparency, and active civic participation. But thanks to the enormous progress made in the last five years, the Virginia that VaOurWay has been advocating for is closer than ever.

How Does The General Assembly Work?

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sat, 01 Jan 2022 21:30:38 GMT

How does virginia's general assembly work?

The legislature is tasked with considering bills that could become law in the Commonwealth, electing judges to the state’s courts, and approving a budget that will cover the next two years. All of this happens in just 60 days between two chambers.

A bicameral legislature, the General Assembly consists of a lower House of Delegates and an upper Senate. The House of Delegates is made up of 100 legislators who serve two year terms; the most recent House election was held in November, when Republicans won a narrow 52-48 majority . Representing roughly 80,000 citizens, delegates receive a yearly salary of $17,640 . Elected by the body, the Speaker of the House presides over the chamber and is tasked with appointing members to committees and assigning introduced bills to the relevant committee.

The General Assembly’s upper body, the Senate of Virginia, consists of 40 legislators. State senators are elected every four years. Unlike the U.S. Senate, state senators are all up for election at the same time. Representing about 200,000 citizens, senators receive a yearly salary of $18,000. The state Senate is presided over by the lieutenant governor, who is elected in a statewide election every four years. In November, Virginians elected a new lieutenant governor, Republican Winsome Sears . In the absence of the lieutenant governor, the president pro tempore, who is elected by the body, presides over the Senate. Democrats currently hold a narrow 21-19 majority in the Senate. Senators will next be on the ballot in Virginia in 2023.

Bills can originate in either the House or the Senate. At its inception, a bill is drafted by the Division of Legislative Services, a nonpartisan agency that provides legal and general research to members of the General Assembly. Once drafted, a bill is sponsored by a member who then becomes the bill’s sponsor. The bill is assigned to a committee, where members discuss the bill, ask questions of the sponsor and experts, and consider comments from the public. At this point, the committee can act on the bill in several ways, but this is where the bill will generally either die or move onto the floor of the House or Senate.

Now on the chamber floor, the bill is read three times. During the second reading, members may ask to amend the bill. After the third reading, a vote is taken and the bill is either passed or rejected. Once passed, a bill is sent to the other chamber for the same process. Members may wish to amend the bill — if the body passes an altered version of the bill, the bill is taken up by a Committee of Conference. Here, members of both chambers agree to resolve differences between the bills. Both the House and the Senate need to agree to the bill as amended, and then the bill is finally cleared to be sent to the governor for approval.

As always, VaOurWay will be providing updates to readers throughout the 2022 General Assembly session. Additionally, you can see which bills have been introduced by which member and where they are in the legislative process here . A list of scheduled hearings and committee meetings are also available via the Division of Legislative Services, some of which are available to livestream.

What To Know About Education Policy Ahead Of The Legislative Session

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sun, 19 Dec 2021 21:22:44 GMT

2022 Education Issues in the General Assembly

November’s election put issues such as teacher pay, critical race theory (which is not taught in Virginia public schools), and the role of parents in their children’s education front and center in the minds of Virginia voters. Signaling how critical of an issue education is in Virginia right now, Governor-elect Glenn Youngkin has already vowed to deliver the largest education budget in state history.

With the General Assembly set to begin its 2022 session just weeks from now, here’s what you need to know about some key education policies that Virginians can expect to hear more about in the weeks and months to come.

School Modernization

Half of public schools in Virginia are more than 50 years old . With a growing population and the increasing presence of technology in the classroom, Virginia schools are in need of major modernization efforts. The cost of replacing old schools would cost up to $25 billion; recognizing that this is a tremendously high cost, the Virginia Department of Education has identified 322 projects that could help modernize the schools most in need. These projects will cost a more reasonable $3.2 billion.

How could the state pay for these modernization efforts? Last month, the bipartisan Commission on School Construction and Modernization proposed several recommendations for the General Assembly to consider during the upcoming session. One of those recommendations called for allowing localities to impose a 1% sales tax increase that could be used solely to help pay for school construction and renovation.

The commission also recommended making changes to the state Literary Fund, which was established by the state constitution and provides low-interest loans to school divisions for school construction, among other things. The commission proposed increasing the minimum size of the Literary Fund from $80 million to $250 million and raising the maximum loan from $7.5 million to $25 million.

Teacher Pay

A report released earlier this year ranked Virginia 50th in the country when it comes to teacher pay. Teachers in the state make an average of $53,000 per year, which is significantly less than the $65,000 national average. This is despite a 5% pay raise approved by the General Assembly and signed into law by the governor earlier this year.

In his outgoing budget, Gov. Ralph Northam proposed to increase teacher pay by slightly over 5% each year for the next two years. That makes for a total increase of 10.25%. If enacted, the proposal would bring teacher’s salaries in Virginia above the national average.

Youngkin has also promised to raise teacher pay during his time as governor, although specifics of his proposal have not yet been released.

Charter Schools

During his campaign for governor, Youngkin promised to bring innovation to Virginia schools. This includes expanding career technical education into all public schools, as well as plans to build a minimum of 20 new charter schools throughout the state. For a candidate who ran on giving parents a say in their children’s education, building more charter schools seems like an obvious policy to implement. Charter schools operate autonomously of school boards, and can allow parent input into how students are taught.

Despite being publicly funded, charter schools operate independently of the school divisions in which they are located. The parents of any student can elect to send their child to a charter school, and tuition is free. There are currently seven public charter schools operating in Virginia.

Northam has said that increasing pay for public school teachers should be more of a priority than establishing new charter schools. With Democrats still in control of the state Senate, the debate over the role of charter schools in Virginia’s education system could become one of the more contentious issues shaping the upcoming legislative session.

How Are Virginia Lawmakers Compensated?

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sun, 05 Dec 2021 01:35:00 GMT

Virginia lawmakers complete the bulk of their work in either 45 or 60 days, depending on the year , give or take a special session or two. As with any political system, there’s bound to be disagreement about the value of a lawmaker's work, but we can all agree that lawmakers do indeed work, and are compensated for doing so.

So how are Virginia lawmakers compensated, and how much is their legislative staff paid? And how does lawmaker pay stack up relative to other comparable states?

Members of the Virginia House of Delegates receive an annual salary of $17,640, while their Senate counterparts receive an $18,000 annual salary. This has been the case for roughly 30 years now; lawmakers have not received a pay raise since 1988, when the annual salary for both delegates and senators was raised from $11,000 per year to $18,000 per year. The House voted to lower its salary by 2% to the current sum in 1992, the same year state employees received a 2% pay cut.

An annual salary is not the only way Virginia lawmakers are compensated, however. During legislative sessions, lawmakers receive a daily payment intended to cover the costs of spending time in Richmond, including meals, lodging, and other ordinary expenses. This payment, known as a per diem, totals $211 each day. Members can expect a total of $12,660 in per diem payments during 60-day sessions, and $9,495 in per diem payments during 45-day sessions. The per diem is determined based on U.S. General Services Administration calculations indicating how much it costs to travel in Richmond for a day.

Since some lawmakers are able to sleep under their own roofs during session, rules regarding per diems change based on where lawmakers live. For delegates who live more than 50 miles from Richmond, per diems are non-taxable, the logic being that those closer to Richmond don’t need to have certain expenses covered. Senators residing near Richmond receive a per diem of just $74. No receipts are required for lawmakers to receive this per diem.

Lawmakers are also compensated for official meetings attended outside of general and special sessions. Lawmakers are paid $300 a day to attend these meetings; if two or more meetings occur in one day, the rate increases to $400 a day. Dozens of these meetings occur each year; they can be tracked by viewing the General Assembly’s meeting calendar .

It’s likely that very little would happen at the General Assembly if lawmakers didn’t have paid staff to support their work. Thus, the Virginia state budget includes compensation for legislative staffers . Each member of the House is provided with $44,125 each year to compensate legislative aids, while members of the Senate are provided $49,641 to compensate their legislative aids. Additionally, all members of the General Assembly receive $1,250 each calendar month in order to cover office expenses and supplies.

The National Conference of State Legislatures classifies state legislative session lengths as either full-time, part-time, or hybrid. Compared to other states, Virginia is considered to have a hybrid legislature, meaning lawmakers typically spend about two-thirds of the year fulfilling legislative duties. According to the NCSL, the average pay for lawmakers in hybrid states is $41,110, suggesting Virginia lawmakers are underpaid for their work.

Lawmakers have the power to alter their salary, and have attempted to do so in the past. But the notion of lawmakers voting to give themselves a pay raise doesn’t always make for good press, meaning lawmakers are unlikely to see higher pay anytime soon.

Lax Lobbying Disclosure Law Keeps Virginians In The Dark

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sun, 21 Nov 2021 18:53:03 GMT

Disclosure is hardly effective in promoting transparency and accountability.

Government is most effective when officeholders have a clear understanding of the needs and desires of constituents. Unfortunately, not everyone has the time to hang out around legislators each day discussing how to best promote the general welfare. That’s where lobbyists come in. Put simply, lobbyists are those who work on behalf of stakeholders — whether they be civic organizations, constituents, or corporations — to advocate for specific policies .

Lobbyists sometimes get a bad reputation. Special interests spending millions on lobbyists who push for policies that benefit only a few isn’t necessarily a good look. But it’s important to remember that technically anyone can employ a lobbyist to push for a policy on their behalf and many non-profits, civic organizations, and private citizens do. In fact, the First Amendment protection of the right to petition essentially enshrines lobbying as an American institution.

Lobbying isn’t going away. Here in Virginia, over 1,000 clients hired 2,463 lobbyists between 2020 and 2021. But just because lobbying is here to stay doesn’t mean that it can’t be improved. While anyone being paid over $500 a year to lobby is required to register with the Secretary of the Commonwealth in Virginia, annual disclosure forms intended to shine a light on how much lobbyists earn and what they advocate for are hardly effective in promoting transparency and accountability.

Take meal and entertainment disclosures, for example. It’s common for lobbyists to take legislators out for dinner for a chance to talk policy. Disclosure guidelines, which are provided by the Virginia Ethics Council , don’t require lobbyists to itemize meals or entertainment or name legislators unless more than $50 is spent. This may seem like a small amount, but Virginia law allows lobbyists to split costs several ways. So if two lobbyists take a legislator out to a dinner costing $75, the bill can be split three ways, with everyone paying $25. And just like that, a meal between lobbyists and legislators can occur without the legislator's name ever being disclosed.

This loophole is frequently employed. Lobbyists held over 100 dinners for legislators during the 2020 General Assembly session. But in disclosures, only 11 legislators were listed by name as having dined with lobbyists. This keeps Virginians in the dark as to who is influencing who in Richmond.

Lobbying disclosure law in Virginia also obscures how much lobbyists are paid by the groups they represent. A lobbyist employed full time by a company is only required to disclose “the portion of [their] salary attributable to [their] lobbying activities.” This means that a lobbyist can spend weeks at the General Assembly, but only have to disclose the money made for time spent directly interfacing with lawmakers.

A recent story in the news illustrates this loophole. Dominion Energy hired a former state senator to lobby legislators on their behalf in 2020. The former senator received $92,297 in payments from Dominion for his lobbying efforts, but was able to get away with reporting only $1,641 on disclosure forms .

Lobbying will continue to shape the future of the Commonwealth. But until stricter lobbying disclosure laws are in place, Virginians will be left in the dark as to who is paying who for influence.

Virginia Is Gearing Up For A Legislative Session

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sun, 14 Nov 2021 14:21:10 GMT

Is 60 Days Enough Time?

On January 12, 2022, Virginia’s General Assembly will begin a 60-day legislative session. In just two short months, the legislature will fulfill its duty of representing constituents by considering hundreds of bills, approving a two-year budget, and electing judges to the state’s courts.

That’s a lot of work in a little time. But believe it or not, the 60-day 2022 regular session is actually a long session. The Virginia state constitution mandates that the General Assembly convene for an annual regular session on the second Wednesday of each January. In even-numbered years, the legislature meets for 60 calendar days. And in odd-numbered years, the legislature meets for just 30 calendar days, although these sessions are traditionally extended to 45 days.

The General Assembly can also convene for special sessions, which are prompted by calls from the Governor or by petition from two-thirds of members from both the House and Senate. Special sessions have been keeping the General Assembly in Richmond for longer amounts of time in recent years -- in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic in 2020, the General Assembly held a 60-day special session from August to October.

Why does Virginia’s General Assembly meet for such short periods of time? Like many other states, Virginia designed its legislative calendar to promote the ideal of “citizen legislators.” These representatives would come to Richmond for a month or two each year to legislate, and then return to their districts to work more typical jobs. In a state with strong agricultural history like Virginia, meeting for the legislative session during winter months was convenient for farmers — while there wasn’t any harvesting to be done, farmers could either serve in the legislature, or come to observe the public proceedings in Richmond themselves.

Today, though, Virginia has a diverse economy and a population of 8.6 million . This has ignited debate about whether Virginia should transition from a part-time legislature to a full-time legislature in order to better address the complex needs of constituents.

Those who wish to preserve Virginia’s part-time legislative model say that when legislators are able to return home to their districts for months at a time, representation is strengthened. Legislators have plenty of time to speak with their neighbors and learn about what’s happening in the community. Additionally, legislators have the ability to live and work under the laws that they create. The logic is that when legislators are embedded in their districts for most of the year, they will have a better idea of how to represent their constituents when they come to Richmond in the winter.

Proponents of a full-time legislature in Virginia, however, say that more than 60 days are needed in order to effectively govern a modern state. They point to the fact that both the House of Delegates and the state Senate are forced to limit the number of bills members are permitted to introduce; this could create a situation in which necessary legislation doesn’t even have the opportunity to be considered. And because so many bills are considered in such a short period of time, it’s difficult for constituents to follow what’s occurring at the General Assembly.

Furthermore, although Virginia legislators only work a few months out of the year, lobbyists never stop working. This causes what’s known as “copycat” bills to be introduced in Virginia — bills written by special interests with boilerplate language that are introduced in several states. If Virginia had a full-time General Assembly, legislators would have the time and resources to write bills that accurately reflect the needs and desires of Virginians.

Virginia isn’t unique in having a part-time legislature. According to the National Conference of State Legislatures , just four states have a full-time legislature — California, Michigan, New York, and Pennsylvania. These states, which all have large populations, pay their legislators a full-time wage and provide large, well-paid staff.

The debate around the length of Virginia’s General Assembly sessions isn’t likely to end any time soon. In the meantime, legislators are gearing up for a legislative session in which Republicans will control the House of Delegates and Democrats will control the Senate. This week, members will have the ability to begin prefiling legislation . This legislative session is expected to last from January 12 through March 12.

Redistricting Commission Misses Legislative Map Deadline

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 15 Oct 2021 16:50:10 GMT

Redistricting Negotiations broke down along party lines after a week of public hearings

The task of drawing up new legislative maps for the House of Delegates and state Senate will go to the state Supreme Court, after the newly established Virginia Redistricting Commission failed to agree on proposed General Assembly maps by the October 10 deadline.

After voters approved a new amendment to the state constitution last year, redistricting in Virginia is currently being handled for the first time by a bipartisan commission consisting of eight state legislators and eight citizens split evenly by political party. When data from the 2020 census was released this summer, the Commission had 45 days to draw up new maps for the General Assembly, and 60 days to come up with new Congressional maps.

Those 45 days came and went without producing a compromise map. Negotiations broke down along party lines after a week of public hearings.

On October 8, the Commission’s Democrats voted to propose a compromise , putting forward a Republican-drawn map for the House of Delegates and a Democratic-drawn map for the state Senate. Republicans defeated that measure, preferring to keep a Republican-drawn Senate map as an option. Republicans on the Commission said the public was not given a chance to comment on the Democratic-drawn Senate map, and that it appeared to be gerrymandered.

At this point, Democratic co-chair Greta Harris walked out of the meeting and was soon followed by two other Democratic citizen commissioners, James Abrenio and Brandon Hutchins. Lacking a quorum, the Commission adjourned its meeting. No proposed General Assembly maps were approved by the Commission before the October 10 deadline.

The Commission resumed work last Monday, but is now solely focused on developing new Congressional maps . Members of the Commission seemed more optimistic about the chances of agreeing on Congressional maps before the October 25 deadline. This is partly because incumbent residency is no longer a factor; members of Congress aren’t required to live within the districts they represent.

Similar to the Redistricting Commission, the Supreme Court must consider geographic compactness as well as voting rights when they create new General Assembly maps. The justices will not draw maps themselves, but will rather select two experts from a list of nominees selected by each political party. Known as “special masters,” these experts have 30 days after receiving order from the court to file their proposed maps. The public will have the opportunity to submit written comments to the Supreme Court regarding redistricting.

Newly Released Census Data

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 03 Sep 2021 20:20:57 GMT

Census Data Kicks Off Redistricting Process In Virginia

SNAPSHOT

Virginia’s population increased by 7.9% in the last decade, bringing the total population to 8.6 million.
The release of the census data marked the beginning of the state’s redistricting process, which will determine legislative district maps for the next decade.
Redistricting is being handled for the first time by a bipartisan commission, and the public now has the option to comment on proposed maps.

FULL STORY

Virginia’s population has been growing and becoming more diverse over the course of the past decade, recently released census data shows . The state’s population is currently 8.6 million, which is 7.9% higher than it was in 2010, when there were only 8 million people living in the commonwealth.

The data, which was collected in 2020 and released after a nearly six month delay on account of the COVID-19 pandemic, reveals a number of interesting characteristics about the people who call Virginia home. For example, for the first time ever, a majority of those under the age of 18 in the state — 51% — are people of color. Age aside, people of color made up 35% of the state’s population in 2010; today, people of color account for 41% of the population. One out of every ten Virginians now identify as Hispanic, bringing the state’s Hispanic population to 900,000. The state’s Asian American population also grew significantly over the past decade, increasing from 522,000 in 2010 to 757,000 today, making up 9% of the population.

The data also shows that most of Virginia’s population growth has been concentrated in the northern part of the state, while the Southside and Southwest regions saw the steepest decline in population. Loudoun County, in northern Virginia, saw the largest population gain in the state — with 108,000 new residents, the county grew by 35% since 2010 for a current total population of 421,000. Other northern Virginia localities that saw significant growth include Stafford County, which grew by 22%, and Prince William County, which grew by 20%.

By contrast, every locality in the Southwest region saw population decline in the last decade. And of the 18 localities along the state’s southern border with North Carolina, 14 localities also saw the number of residents drop.

The release of the census data kicks off a redistricting process in Virginia, which for the first time will be handled by a bipartisan redistricting commission that was established after voters approved a new amendment to the state constitution on the ballot last November. The commission, made up of eight state legislators and eight citizens and split evenly by political party, has 45 days to draw up new General Assembly districts and 60 days to map new congressional districts. The 45 and 60 day timelines began the day the census data was released; the commission released its first draft maps within the last week. Final General Assembly maps will need to be drawn up by October 10, just over a month from now, and congressional maps will need to be ready by October 25.

All of the redistricting commission’s meetings are open to the public. At least three public hearings are required before the commission proposes any new redistricting plans, and at least three more public hearings will be required prior to any votes on proposed redistricting plans. The public can weigh in on the process via either written comment or verbal comment. The commission will meet next on Thursday, September 9; a full calendar of the redistricting commission’s meetings is available here .

American Rescue Plan Allocations

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sat, 31 Jul 2021 18:48:12 GMT

General Assembly To Consider American Rescue Plan Allocations During Special Session

Members of the General Assembly will be meeting in Richmond starting Monday, Aug. 2 after Governor Ralph Northam called in June for a special session. The purpose of the special session is limited in scope; members will be tasked with allocating over $4.3 billion granted to the state via the American Rescue Plan and filling judicial vacancies. Signed into law by President Joe Biden this past March, the American Rescue Plan is a $1.9 trillion economic stimulus package designed to support economic recovery in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. The plan allocates $350 billion in funding for state, local, territorial and Tribal governments.

The federal allocations come at a time when Virginia seems to be making great economic strides. The state is currently running a nearly $2 billion revenue surplus , maintaining a low unemployment rate , and was recently once again ranked as the top state in the country to do business . These favorable economic indicators give the General Assembly room to use the federal funds to invest in a number of proposals that will directly impact the lives of Virginians in positive ways.

Of the $4.3 billion in funding Virginia has received, the state has already distributed $304.5 million in funds to certain localities . That’s in addition to the $2.3 billion Virginia localities already received directly from the federal government through the American Rescue Plan.

One of the proposals the General Assembly will be considering during the upcoming special session seeks to invest $500 million to improve ventilation and air quality in public schools. Under the proposal, the state will allocate $250 million for these upgrades, which is to be matched by localities using funds already distributed. Ventilation upgrades will help to mitigate the threat of airborne illnesses like COVID-19 in schools, which is important considering a law passed earlier this year mandates that all school divisions make in-person learning available during the upcoming school year.

The General Assembly will also be considering a proposal to allocate $411.5 million in American Rescue Plan funds to reduce water pollution, expand access to clean water, and develop infrastructure to prepare for storm water. A portion of these funds will be used for sewer overflow projects in Richmond, Alexandria, and Lynchburg, three localities that frequently see sewer flooding during and after rain. Clean water is vital not only for health reasons, but also for economic reasons; clean water is necessary for agriculture, and clean water used for outdoor recreation can help boost Virginia’s tourism industry.

The newly established Virginia Food Access Investment Fund could see its first round of funding through another American Rescue Plan funding proposal. The VFAIF, approved by the General Assembly in 2020 , invests in new and expanding food retailers operating in communities that lack reliable access to food. If approved, the proposal would distribute $620,000 to food security projects across the state.

Other priorities the General Assembly will be considering during the special session include expanding access to broadband, providing economic support to essential workers, and addressing economic needs of households and small businesses impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The public can keep up with the special session by tracking meetings and tuning into live-streamed videos of the proceedings, which are available through Virginia’s Legislative Information System . LIS also allows for users to read through the text of legislation and track the progress of individual bills as they progress through the session.

Ranked-Choice Voting

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sat, 17 Jul 2021 18:57:29 GMT

Virginians Have The Option To Use Ranked-Choice Voting

The New York City mayoral primary election made headlines across the nation last month when voters went to the polls not to vote for a single candidate, but rather to rank their top picks for who should lead their party on the ballot in November. The election marked the first time in decades New York City used ranked-choice voting.

Ranked-choice voting was approved in the city as a ballot measure in 2019. And as the largest jurisdiction in the United States to implement ranked-choice voting, the nation has eagerly looked on as New York City tests a process that proponents claim to be an improvement to the way we elect our representatives.

The way ranked-choice voting works is simple. Voters list their top candidates in order of preference; the candidate they would most like to see win is ranked first, followed by their second choice, and so on. In New York City last month, voters were able to rank their top five candidates .

To win an election with ranked-choice voting in place, a candidate needs to receive over 50% of the vote. If no candidate has received over 50% of the vote after the first count, a second round begins. The candidate who received the least number of first-place votes initially is removed from the ballot, meaning that this candidate’s voters’ second choice comes into play. The votes are reallocated, and the process continues until one candidate finally receives over 50% of the vote.

It may seem complicated at first, but ranked-choice voting is akin to a run-off election. Unlike typical run-offs, however, which take weeks and require localities to spend additional money administering a second election, ranked-choice voting facilitates run-off elections instantly as a feature. In fact, ranked-choice voting is sometimes referred to as an “instant run-off,” as the process ensures that the winning candidate will garner a majority of votes rather than merely a plurality.

Proponents say that ranked-choice voting is a more effective method of electing representatives. With traditional elections, it’s possible for a majority of voters to cast their ballots in favor of someone other than the winner of the election. Ranked-choice voting eliminates this potentiality, allowing voters to rank their preferred candidate as number one instead of performing mental calculus to ensure an unpopular candidate doesn’t come out on top.

Beyond New York City, a number of other localities throughout the country have instituted ranked-choice voting, including Oakland, California , Cambridge, Massachusetts , and Santa Fe, New Mexico . Even two states — Maine and Alaska — elect the president and candidates for statewide office using ranked-choice voting. With a new law passed in Virginia in 2020, localities throughout the state have the option to conduct local elections using ranked-choice voting. Few localities have signalled they will adopt ranked-choice voting considering the law just went into effect at the beginning of this month, although Arlington has already compiled a list of actions the county needs to take in order to implement ranked-choice voting.

With the option to use ranked-choice voting in future elections, Virginians now have access to another tool that can be used to express the will of the people and elect representatives. New Paragraph

New And Noteworthy Laws

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Tue, 29 Jun 2021 17:56:08 GMT

New And Noteworthy Laws Going Into Effect in Virginia on July 1

On July 1, many of the bills recently approved by the General Assembly and signed into law by the governor will officially go into effect in Virginia. The 2021 General Assembly session saw bills covering a wide range of topics, including education, voting rights, criminal justice, and more. Here’s a look at some of the most noteworthy laws that will go into effect come 12:01 a.m. Thursday.

The recreational use and possession of marijuana will be legal in Virginia starting July 1. Perhaps one of the most newsworthy laws going into effect this year, the law positions Virginia as the first state in the South to legalize the drug. Virginians who are 21 years of age or older will be able to possess up to one ounce of marijuana for personal consumption, though it’s still illegal to sell or purchase plants or seeds. Retail sales won’t be legal in the state until 2024. And while it will remain illegal to consume marijuana in public, the law permits Virginians to grow up to four plants in their homes.

In the interest of promoting social equity, Virginia is using the legalization of marijuana to advance certain criminal justice reforms. Beginning July 1, all records of arrests, charges, and convictions related to misdemeanor possession with the intent to distribute will be sealed from public view in Virginia State Police systems.

The General Assembly also took action during the 2021 session to expand protections for voting rights. The laws are so comprehensive that the New York Times called Virginia a “voting rights bastion.” Starting July 1, voting absentee in Virginia will be easier than ever before; localities are now required to offer drop-off boxes for absentee ballots , and voting precincts will be able to open on Sundays for early in-person voting. And as Virginia emerges from the COVID-19 pandemic, when being physically close to others came with health risks, absentee ballots no longer require a witness signature during public health emergencies.

Additionally, Virginia teachers will finally see a pay raise for the fiscal year starting July 1, thanks to a budget amendment approved by the General Assembly this year. The five percent pay raise will still not bring teacher pay in Virginia up to the national average; still, advocates say that the raise is a step in the right direction.

Another law going into effect July 1 pertaining to education prohibits local school boards from filing lawsuits against the parents of students who have debt from school meal costs . This law will help keep the focus in schools on education, rather than potentially causing students to worry about how they’ll be able to afford to eat during school lunches.

Starting July 1, certain essential workers will be guaranteed paid sick leave in Virginia. Home health care workers who work an average of at least 20 hours per week or 90 hours per month will earn at least one hour of paid sick leave for every 30 hours worked. The paid sick leave benefit can be used for personal medical issues, or to care for a family member in need of medical care.

Finally, executions in Virginia will no longer be permitted starting July 1. This law has been particularly newsworthy considering that Virginia has executed more people in its history than any other state in the country. Similar to its new stance on marijuana, Virginia will be the first state in the South to abolish the death penalty ; July 1 will see major reforms to criminal justice in Virginia.

Virginia Campaign Finance Disclosure Law

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 18 Jun 2021 18:00:46 GMT

Virginia Campaign Finance Disclosure Law Provides Little Accountability

This is the fifth and final installment of a series on the state of campaign finance law in Virginia. So far in the series, we’ve covered the personal use of campaign funds , which is legal in Virginia, the lack of limits on campaign contributions , and the lack of limits on corporate contributions . We’ve also explored the impact publicly funded elections have on campaign finance. This week, we’re rounding out the series with a consideration of Virginia’s campaign finance disclosure laws, which are often cited as a mechanism for holding candidates accountable. Thanks for staying informed on how Virginia can improve campaign finance law to build a more accountable state government.

Just about anything goes under Virginia campaign finance law. Candidates for state office are allowed to accept unlimited funds from anyone, including corporate interests . Consequently, elections in Virginia have become tremendously expensive; the 2017 gubernatorial election saw 66% of candidate’s money come from contributions larger than $25,000 . Furthermore, Virginia doesn’t prohibit the personal use of campaign funds . That means that — unlike in at least 47 other states and at the federal level— candidates for state office in Virginia face no accountability for using campaign funds for activities unrelated to their campaign.

Proponents of this status quo say there’s little room for reform. Their argument is centered around the fact that Virginia requires candidates to disclose their contributions and expenditures. Opponents of campaign finance reform say election spending is transparent in Virginia thanks to resources like the Virginia Public Access Project , a non-profit that provides campaign finance disclosures to the public, and that placing limits on contributions would only encourage the flow of dark money. If candidates are required to make public who is funding them and where that money is being spent, the logic goes, Virginians will be able to make informed decisions about who they are electing and the interests they represent.

A closer look at the way campaign finance disclosure works in Virginia, however, reveals some discouraging truths.

Virginia law requires candidates disclose the names and some personal information of contributors who spend more than $100 on a campaign per election cycle. Additionally, candidates need to disclose the name and personal information of those they pay with campaign funds. While a “brief description of the purpose of the expenditure” is also required in disclosure forms, there’s no consensus on how specific candidates need to be. The reporting form merely provides a column in which candidates report the “item or service.”

It’s perfectly legal for candidates to be vague when reporting their expenditures. A now infamous exposé on campaign finance in Virginia reported by the Associated Press in 2016 reported that “some lawmakers reimburse themselves thousands of dollars from their campaigns with only scant explanation, like ‘travel reimbursement.’”

Furthermore, campaign finance reports submitted by candidates do not undergo any sort of audit conducted by the Board of Elections or any other regulatory agency in the state. The lack of a mechanism to ensure candidates are being truthful about their finances means that Virginia’s disclosure process does very little to hold candidates accountable.

Legislation has been introduced in the past to remedy this glaring problem with campaign finance disclosures. Del. Kaye Kory sponsored a bill in 2020 that would have required the Board of Elections to conduct audits of the campaign finance reports filed by candidates for governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general, and the General Assembly. Like many other measures intended to reform campaign finance law in Virginia, the bill never advanced out of committee.

While the General Assembly largely balked at campaign finance reform efforts during the most recent session, a resolution creating a joint subcommittee to study comprehensive reform was approved. Noting that Virginia has “relied on disclosure by candidates and political committees to keep the process free from corruption,” the committee will consider the effectiveness of disclosure laws, among other things.

Campaign finance reform has been put on the back burner for too long in Virginia. Studying the issue helps, but nothing will change until legislation is passed. The General Assembly needs to reform campaign finance disclosure law, as well as other laws pertaining to campaign finance, in order to create a state that’s more accountable and responsive to the people.

Publicly Funded Campaigns

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sat, 05 Jun 2021 14:24:02 GMT

Could Publicly Funded Campaigns Lead To A More Democratic Virginia?

This is part four of a series on the state of campaign finance law in Virginia. So far, we’ve covered the personal use of campaign funds , which is legal in Virginia, the lack of limits on campaign contributions , and the lack of limits on corporate contributions . This week, VaOurWay is looking at publicly funded campaigns. Several states throughout the U.S. offer at least one model of publicly funded campaigns, which reduce barriers to running for office and promote a more accountable government. Stay tuned for more information on how Virginia can improve campaign finance law to build a more accountable state government.

It’s no secret that campaign finance laws in Virginia are rather lenient. There are no limits to how much anyone, whether an individual or a corporation , can contribute to a candidate for office in the state. And once candidates for office have received what could be enormous donations, there are no laws preventing them from using campaign funds for personal expenses . The lack of campaign finance regulation in Virginia has led to a system wherein an overwhelming majority of political contributions come from big-time donors.

With few laws regulating campaign finance, elected officials often court wealthy donors and large corporations in order to compete in increasingly expensive elections. Elected officials may be more likely to pursue the interests of big donors who fund their campaigns than they are to pursue policies in the interest of their average constituents.

Publicly funded campaigns could be one method used to alleviate this problem. Rather than relying on big donors, publicly funded campaigns receive money to be used for campaign expenses; these funds are generally collected via taxation. In turn, the campaign agrees to adhere to certain spending and contribution limits. Fourteen states throughout the country currently allow for some form of publicly funded campaigns.

There are two primary models for publicly funded campaigns. In what is referred to as clean election programs, candidates solicit small contributions from a set number of individuals. This shows that a candidate is popular with a large enough portion of the electorate. Once the candidate has received the set number of small contributions, a commission grants the candidate with an amount of money equal to the state’s campaign expenditure limit. This model of publicly funded campaigns exists in states like Vermont, Maine, and Arizona.

Another model, known as a matching fund program, matches donor funds up to a certain amount. Florida, Minnesota, and West Virginia are among the states with this form of publicly funded election, though this model has also been popular at local levels. In New York City, for example, the Campaign Finance Program provides public funds to candidates who have received small contributions from a certain number of contributors. The program has been very successful; in citywide elections in 2013 , 90% of contributions to candidates came from individual contributors and over two-thirds of contributions were less than $175.

Both models of publicly funded campaigns come with benefits that strengthen democracy and increase accountability among elected officials. With publicly funded campaigns, candidates for office don’t need to be wealthy to begin with. Elections are expensive, but public funds help reduce the financial burdens that come with running for office. And instead of courting rich donors, candidates may spend more time hearing about the needs of average constituents if publicly funded campaigns were an option. Finally, with publicity funded campaigns, the laws that elected officials pass will be less influenced by the massive contributions of big donors and more sensitive to the needs of constituents.

Campaign finance law in Virginia leaves a lot to be desired. With more regulation, the citizens of Virginia could enjoy a more democratic government consisting of elected officials who are accountable to their constituents. The introduction of publicly funded elections could bring Virginia one step closer to a government that works for all, rather than just the wealthiest.

Corporate Contributions

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 21 May 2021 14:26:29 GMT

Corporate Contributions Are Not Limited In Virginia

This is part three of a series on the state of campaign finance law in Virginia. So far, we’ve covered the personal use of campaign funds , which is legal in Virginia, and the lack of limits on campaign contributions in the state. This week, VaOurWay is looking at corporate campaign contributions. Unlike other states, Virginia doesn’t place any restrictions on how much a corporation can contribute to a political campaign. Stay tuned for more information on how Virginia can improve campaign finance law to build a more accountable state government.

Virginia is just one of five states without any restrictions on how much a corporation can contribute to a campaign for state office. It’s common for states throughout the country to place limits on how much a corporation can give to a candidate; in states like New Jersey and Maryland, corporations can contribute no more than individuals can. Two of Virginia’s neighbors, Kentucky and North Carolina, join 20 other states in going so far as to prohibit corporate contributions altogether.

With absolutely no restrictions on how much of a financial influence a corporation can have on state elections, Virginia stands out among the other states. What is it about corporate contributions that most of the country has tried to regulate that lawmakers in Virginia seem to be missing?

When corporations are able to spend without restraint on their preferred candidates, their enormous contributions drown out the interests of individuals. This could give corporations much more influence than ordinary people over candidates. It costs a lot of money to run a campaign; candidates in need of financial support might be incentivized to support policies favorable to their lavish corporate donors instead of policies that work for individual constituents, who are unlikely to be able to donate as much as a corporation can.

There are clear, recent examples of corporations buying influence to benefit themselves rather than constituents here in Virginia. Dominion Energy, a regulated utility corporation, spent $1.274 million on candidates and political committees in Virginia in 2020 alone. Over the years, Dominion has contributed millions to General Assembly candidates, resulting in policies that have led to higher profits for the energy company while Virginians pay the sixth highest energy bills in the country.

A 2021 bill that would have granted the State Corporation Commission (the regulatory body which oversees public utilities) more authority in its ability to lower customer rates was swiftly killed in the Senate Commerce and Labor Committee after comfortably passing the House of Delegates. Passage of the bill would have made it possible for Virginians to pay lower energy bills, but eight members of the committee count Dominion among their top donors. These members — Senators Saslaw, Norment, Newman, Obenshain, Lucas, Barker, Mason, and Lewis — voted in the interest of a corporation that significantly funds their campaigns, rather than voting for a bill that is clearly in the interest of their constituents.

This is a crystal clear illustration of how corporations, capable of contributing millions in a single election cycle, are able to buy influence with lawmakers. These lawmakers are then incentivized to enact policy favorable to corporate donors, which may not necessarily be in the interest of typical constituents.

Recent years have seen attempts to ban corporate campaign contributions at the state level in Virginia. During the 2021 General Assembly session, two bills that would have banned political contributions from public utilities like Dominion failed to get a floor vote. A number of similar bills have been introduced during every session in recent memory. Governor Ralph Northam called for an end to corporate political contributions during his campaign in 2017, but it seems he’ll be leaving Richmond without having achieved this priority.

In the interest of preventing political influence from remaining largely in the hands of corporate donors, Virginia should act to prohibit corporations from contributing to political campaigns; doing so would create a more democratic, accountable commonwealth.

No Limits in Virginia

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 07 May 2021 14:29:09 GMT

Virginia Places No Limits On Campaign Contributions

This is part two of a series on the state of campaign finance law in Virginia. Two weeks ago, we covered the personal use of campaign funds , which is currently completely legal in Virginia for state candidates and officeholders. This week, VaOurWay is looking at campaign contribution limits. Unlike other states, Virginia doesn’t have any laws restricting how much an individual or group can contribute to candidates. Stay tuned for more information on how Virginia can improve campaign finance law to build a more accountable state government.

Just as the personal use of campaign funds is permitted in Virginia, the state’s campaign finance laws allow for similarly relaxed regulations regarding how much money can be contributed to candidates. In fact, there are no limits to the amount an individual or a group can contribute to campaigns for state office in Virginia. This makes Virginia an outlier; at least 40 states place limits on how much an individual or group can contribute to a campaign, and the Federal Election Commission also limits contributions to candidates for federal office.

“Virginia’s campaign finance system is a boondoggle that alienates its citizens and makes them lose faith in government,” Governor Ralph Northam, then a candidate for governor, said in 2017 . “Virginians across every part of the political spectrum want a system that is more responsive to the people, and less reliant on big checks from a few donors.”

Virginia’s 2017 gubernatorial election, which sent Northam to the Executive Mansion, provides a useful portrait of how campaign finance works in Virginia. During that election cycle, candidates for governor spent a total of $66 million , 66% of which came from contributions larger than $25,000. That’s $43,423,674 coming in from donations that would be illegal for individuals to make in most states and at the federal level. In comparison, just 5% of the $66M spent in 2017 came from contributions totaling $100 or less.

Whereas major donors poured in over $43 million into the race for the governorship, small donors were able to contribute just over $3 million.

This massive disparity in campaign contributions means that having more money can buy an outsize influence over an election. And rather than remaining beholden to the interests of their constituents, a candidate who has received a large contribution may become more susceptible to acting in the interests of their biggest donors once elected. While governing in the interest of donors may help secure funding for the next campaign, unlimited campaign contributions drown out the interests of those who can’t spend a fortune donating to their preferred candidate.

Opponents to the idea of limiting campaign contributions argue that the ability to contribute to candidates is a free speech issue, and that limiting contributions is akin to limiting speech. But this could mean that the speech of some is more valuable than others; more money means a more prominent voice. In 1976, the Supreme Court ruled in Buckley v. Val e o that the practice limiting campaign contributions is constitutional, as doing so bolsters the “integrity of our system of representative democracy.” Limiting campaign contributions in Virginia would do just that, leveling the playing field and helping to ensure that the biggest spenders aren’t the dominating voice at the table.

The General Assembly has attempted to limit campaign contributions time and time again to no avail. During the most recent session, a bill that would have limited individual contributions to candidates for state office to $20,000 per election cycle failed to make it through the Senate Privileges and Elections committee. Members from both parties voted to kill the legislation. The bill would have imposed a fine up to two times the amount of the excess contribution on violators.

Despite numerous attempts for reform, there are still no limits to campaign contributions in Virginia. The General Assembly should finally take action to limit campaign contributions; doing so would give all Virginians an equal voice in the election process and help keep elected officials accountable to their constituents rather than top donors.

Personal Use Of Campaign Funds

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sat, 24 Apr 2021 14:31:59 GMT

Virginia Doesn’t Prohibit Personal Use Of Campaign Funds

This is the first installment of a series on the state of campaign finance law in Virginia. This week, we’re taking a look at the personal use of campaign funds -- something that’s entirely legal for state candidates and officeholders in Virginia, but illegal at the federal level and in most states. Stay tuned for more information on how Virginia can improve campaign finance law to build a more accountable state government.

The Federal Election Commission makes it clear: “ using campaign funds for personal use is prohibited .” This means it’s illegal for a candidate for federal office to use campaign funds for expenses that wouldn’t exist if the candidate wasn’t running a campaign or holding office.

The reasons for the ban on the personal use of campaign funds are likely self-explanatory. Campaigns can rake in millions of dollars, and we don’t want those who are supposed to be public servants to fundraise for the purpose of making a personal fortune. Prohibiting candidates for federal office from using campaign funds to, among other things, pay dues to country clubs, purchase clothing, or even make investments provides one method of ensuring that candidates and office holders are working for the people they represent, not to get rich.

In Virginia, however, candidates for state office and those holding state office face no legal limits in how they spend campaign funds. A 2016 Associated Press report headlined “No rules means no accountability for Virginia campaign funds” revealed astonishing details about what Virginia’s lax campaign finance laws enable. Members of the General Assembly spent exorbitantly on meals at upscale Richmond restaurants and afforded stays at five star hotels using campaign funds.

In at least 47 other states and at the federal level, using campaign funds for expenses like these would purchase an individual little more than a prison sentence. Most states tend to govern the personal use of campaign funds similarly to the FEC, which prohibits campaign funds from being used for any expense that wouldn’t exist unless the individual doing the spending is running for office or currently holding office. Using campaign funds for personal use in Michigan can come with 90 days in jail , a $1,000 fine, or both; Kansas imposes a $5,000 fine on anyone who violates similar rules.

Though Virginia has no laws prohibiting the personal use of campaign funds, there have been consistent efforts to rein in this controversial form of spending. Former Governor Terry McAuliffe threw his support behind prohibiting personal use of campaign funds during his 2016 State of the Commonwealth address, and Governor Ralph Northam has expressed similar support.

During the most recent General Assembly session, a bill that would have prohibited the personal use of campaign funds passed the House of Delegates before meeting its demise in the Senate Privileges and Elections committee . The bill contained a thoughtful provision that made an exception for child care-related expenses. It wasn’t the first time a bill of this nature has been introduced to the General Assembly. Legislators from both parties have proposed legislation to put an end to the personal use of campaign funds during every session in recent memory, but no effort has been successful.

Similar legislation is likely to be considered during future sessions. In the interest of providing a mechanism for accountability and establishing trust among constituents, the General Assembly should take action to prevent candidates and office holders from using campaign funds for personal expenses.

Voting Rights in Virginia

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 09 Apr 2021 14:36:41 GMT

How Virginia Became a Model For Voting Rights

News media in recent weeks has been dominated by coverage of a wide-ranging voting bill passed by Georgia’s legislature and signed into law by the governor. Critics say the law places unnecessary restrictions on voting and elections in the state. The law sharply limits the number of absentee ballot drop boxes allowed in the state, cuts in half the amount of time voters have to request absentee ballots, gives the legislature more control over elections and makes it a crime to distribute food and water to voters waiting in line to cast their ballots.

Other states like Florida and Texas are working to pass similar legislation, despite enormous pressure from the White House and major corporations. States around the country are taking inspiration from Alabama’s voter ID law, which requires that those voting in-person show a photo ID. This disenfranchises a large percentage of Americans; the ACLU says over 21 million American citizens lack a photo ID. Several states are considering legislation that would make it more difficult to register to vote.

The Georgian voting law and measures in other states to restrict access to voting come just months after the 2020 presidential election, which President Donald Trump falsely claimed was rigged on account of electoral fraud. While claims that the election was stolen have been routinely debunked, it is true that the election saw a record number of voters casting ballots. Now, 361 bills that look to restrict access to voting have been introduced to legislatures around the country, according to the Brennan Center for Justice .

Virginia, on the other hand, has made headlines for expanding protections for voters. The New York Times has called Virginia “a voting rights bastion.” In a press release , Gov. Ralph Northam said Virginia has moved to strengthen democracy and electoral integrity, and urged Congress to adopt similar legislation. Below is a look at some of the most consequential policies the state has put into place to bolster voter rights.

Virginia Voting Rights Act

One of the most notable pieces of legislation to advance out of the 2021 General Assembly session was the Virginia Voting Rights Act . The bill puts back into place many of the key provisions of the federal Voting Rights Act of 1965, which was largely invalidated by a 2013 Supreme Court ruling. Hailed as a key step toward ridding the country of racial discrimination in voting, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 required certain states with a history of voter suppression to seek federal approval before changing voting rules.

With the passage of the Virginia Voting Rights Act, the state is putting similar rules in place for itself. The law requires localities wishing to change election rules to either seek public comment regarding the changes or to get approval from the Attorney General. The Attorney General and voters are also allowed to pursue lawsuits over suspected voter suppression under the law.

The Virginia Votings Rights Act explicitly prohibits any discrimination on the basis of race, color or language. It includes a provision allowing voters to challenge in court any change to the election process that might negatively impact minority communities. And in localities with a sizable percentage of non-English speakers, local election officials are required to provide ballots in languages other than English.

Photo ID Repeal

Recognizing that not all citizens have a government-issued photo ID, Virginia moved in 2020 to repeal a law that required voters to show a photo ID in order to receive a ballot. While voters are still required to show a form of identification when receiving a ballot, the law expands the number of ways a voter can verify their identity.

Automatic Voter Registration

A bill passed by the General Assembly in 2020 transfers an eligible voter’s information to the Department of Elections to be registered to vote when they apply for a driver’s license or make changes to their current license at the Department of Motor Vehicles. This increases the number of people registered to vote and reduces the likelihood of a person mistakenly thinking they’re registered to vote.

State Election Day Holiday

Another 2020 law created an official state holiday on Election Day. By allowing schools to close for the day and giving certain workers the day off, the law makes it easier for more people to cast their votes.

Early Voting

Virginians can cast ballots early for any reason thanks to a bill signed into law in 2020. The law provides for 45 days of early in-person and absentee voting. In the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, over 2.8 million Virginians voted early in the 2020 election. That’s almost five times as many people who voted early in Virginia in 2016.

Another bill passed in 2020 that will go into effect this July creates a permanent absentee voter list. The law enables voters to sign up to automatically receive an absentee ballot via mail during every election cycle.

With these laws, Virginia has made access to voting a priority, strengthening democracy in the state.

2021 Wrap-Up

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:59:55 GMT

Looking Back at the 2021 General Assembly

Virginia’s 2021 General Assembly has wrapped up another historic session. In a little over six weeks, the state’s legislative body has considered hundreds of bills, covering everything from paid sick leave to electric vehicles, criminal justice reform to the election process. Here’s a look at some of the most topical legislation that has come before the General Assembly these past few weeks.

The COVID-19 pandemic left its mark on the 2021 General Assembly session. This has been most apparent in the way the body met; the House of Delegates conducted its business entirely remotely, while the Senate met at the Science Museum of Virginia, which allows for more adequate social distancing than the space in the State Capitol could have provided for.

But beyond these spatial changes, the presence of COVID-19 can also be felt in certain legislation the General Assembly considered, especially in the realm of health care. A bill requiring employers to provide paid sick leave to employees who work at least 20 hours a week or 90 hours a month is heading to the Governor’s desk. HB 2137 allows for an employee to earn at least one hour of paid sick leave benefit for every 30 hours worked and also allows the employee to use paid sick leave to tend to family members requiring health care.

Further reflecting the reality that COVID-19 has thrust Virginia into, SB 1338 directs the state Board of Medical Assistance Services to provide payment for remote patient monitoring services. At a time when going to a physical medical center could come with health risks, the bill provides telemedicine services for patients including high-risk pregnant persons and patients who have recently undergone surgery.

The 2021 General Assembly session — which comes on the heels of the contentious 2020 election and just months before Virginians will once again return to the polls — saw a number of bills that dealt with how the state conducts its election process. Perhaps most significantly, SB 1395 prohibits any practice that prevents individuals from voting on the basis of race and color. And in the wake of an election that saw a record number of people casting absentee votes, HB 1888 requires the establishment of drop-off locations for absentee ballots, suggesting the way that Virginians vote could forever be transformed.

In a difficult session for campaign finance reform, HB 1952 — which would have made the personal use of campaign funds illegal — was rejected by a Senate committee after passing the House of Delegates unanimously. The bill will be sent to a commission for study. HB 1906 never advanced out of committee, but would have prohibited all political contributions from corporations; Virginia is one of just five states in the country without any limits on corporate contributions.

Recent decades have seen major changes to the way students learn. And yet, it’s been 21 years since the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission has taken a look into the cost of education in Virginia. That could be changing soon, with SJ 294 directing JLARC to study the true cost of education in the state; the report will give Virginians a picture of where the state is in terms of education funding and where the state needs to be. Another education bill, SB 1405 , provides financial assistance to community college students who are pursuing careers in high-demand fields. Known as the Get Skilled, Get a Job, Give Back Fund and Program— or G3 — the legislation was a top priority for Governor Ralph Northam.

The General Assembly also took action to promote the use of clean energy in the state. Recognizing the role automobiles play in contributing to the ongoing climate crisis, HB 1965 directs the State Air Pollution Control Board to adopt California’s low-emission vehicle standards. The bill also sets standard percentages for the number of electric vehicles sold by manufacturers in the state starting in 2025. Further incentivizing the use of electric vehicles, HB 1979 gives those who purchase or lease an electric vehicle a $2,500 rebate at the time of purchase. Also working toward the goal of a clean energy grid is HB 1899 , which ends the Virginia Coal Employment and Production Incentive, which provides a tax credit for coal purchased and consumed.

The 2021 session saw a number of bills introduced with the aim of reforming the way energy utilities and energy consumption is regulated. HB 2160 would have required public utilities to credit 100% of over-earnings to customer bills and would have given the SCC more discretion in adjusting rates. Similarly, HB 2200 would have required utilities to credit 100% of over-earnings to customer bills while also eliminating Dominion Energy’s $50 million limit on refunds. HB 2048 would have allowed customers to buy renewable energy from any licensed supplier, not just from utilities. All of these bills were killed in a Senate committee.

Finally, two bills broadly concerning criminal justice reform made headlines throughout the country as they advanced through the General Assembly. HB 2263 abolished the death penalty in Virginia; though Virginia has executed more people in its history than any other state, it has now become the first state in the South to abolish capital punishment. And legalization of marijuana in Virginia was successful with the passage of SB 1406 , which includes provisions to provide resources to communities that have been disproportionately affected by drug policing.

Legislative Update: Education

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Mon, 22 Feb 2021 17:08:15 GMT

Session Checkup: Education

At VaOurWay, we believe every student, regardless of zip code, should have access to quality education and a safe learning environment. In the midst of a devastating pandemic, lawmakers have had little time (30 days) to deliberate a lot of bills (1500) - many related to education - during the Regular Session. With a special session currently underway providing a much-needed extension to the Regular Session, more work on critical education bills is expected.

Here are some of the major education bills we’ve been following this legislative cycle, and what you need to know about them:

Returning to In-Person Schooling - The prevailing priority of both chambers - and parties - is returning to in-person schooling as soon as possible, and Governor Ralph Northam (D) agrees. Nuance in achieving that goal, however, exists between the two chambers.

PASSED IN SENATE

Republican Senator Siobhan Dunnavant’s single-sentence bill requiring each local school division make in-person and virtual learning available to all students by choice of the student's parent or guardian by at least July 1st. Its bipartisan passage was largely viewed as a symbolic gesture.

PASSED IN HOUSE SUBCOMMITTEE

House Democrats’ unanimously-passed substitute of Senator Dunnavant’s bill, that would not only require public school districts to offer at least some access to in-person learning by the 2021-2022 school year but would also require all teachers and school staff have the chance to get a vaccine before the start of the next school year. The bill would also offer a fully virtual option for families who want one. If the substitute passes out of the full House, it will need to clear the Senate before arriving on the Governor’s desk.

Why it matters :

The CDC has recently indicated that in-person schooling can resume safely with masks, social distancing, and other strategies, and stressed the importance of doing so as soon as possible. The CDC also noted that the vaccination of teachers, while important, is not a prerequisite for reopening. The CDC also emphasized in-person learning has not been linked to substantial coronavirus spread in U.S. communities.
Experts widely agree that classroom learning is more effective, and concerns have been mounting nationwide about students facing isolation, learning loss, food insecurity, and other problems due to virtual instruction.
Individual school districts currently still have the final say in how they operate, with some public and private schools offering in-person learning while others offer only virtual school. Governor Northam issued a directive earlier this month that all schools in the state should make in-person instruction available at least as an option by March 15.

School Modernization and Repair - Both sides of the aisle acknowledge the exigency of upgrading and maintaining safe learning environments, but House Democrats differ on the funding question, endangering any serious legislative efforts and drawing the sharp ire of Southwest Virginia.

LEFT IN HOUSE COMMITTEE

Delegate Israel O’Quinn’s bill to establish a School Construction Fund whose sole purpose would be to provide grants to cover school construction costs to eligible school boards. It passed out of the House Education Committee with broad bipartisan support but failed to receive a hearing in the House Appropriations Committee.

PASSED IN SENATE

Senator Bill Stanley’s bill to provide a statewide referendum on the question of whether the legislature shall issue bonds worth $3 billion for the purpose of funding K-12 school building construction, repair, and other capital projects related to the modernization of school facilities. Senator Stanley’s bill passed out of the Senate on near-unanimous lines, and awaits a hearing in House Appropriations, the same committee that failed to hear Delegate O’Quinn’s aforementioned bill.

Why it matters :

60% of Virginia public school buildings are 40 years or older, and 36% are 50 years or older. Studies have shown that teachers and students are happier, calmer, healthier, and readier to learn in modernized school classrooms, while aging infrastructure disproportionately burdens poorer, rural counties .
Toiling with the funding question is not new. Prior to 2009, a few sources of state funding were available to help with capital costs for repair but suffered large cuts in response to the Great Recession. Some localities have sought to increase their own construction coffers by rallying the GA to allow them to raise their own taxes, using new revenues to fund repairs, but many lawmakers have discounted this approach as palliative. Issuing state bonds to finance construction projects, some lawmakers counter could threaten the state’s AAA bond rating.

Standards of Learning (SOLs) - Best practices for the administration of statewide SOL tests, a barometer for student achievement and school performance, has drawn deep division. Lessening the emphasis on SOL testing in the Commonwealth is generally a bipartisan issue, but still draws a fault line among Democrats.

LEFT IN HOUSE COMMITTEE

Delegate O’Quinn’s bill to reduce the total number and type of required Standards of Learning assessments administered in Virginia (29) to the minimum federal standard (17).

PASSED IN SENATE COMMITTEE

Delegate Carrie Coyner’s bill to replace an end-of-year SOL test with a through-year growth assessment system. The new system would be established by the Board of Education and requires that the total time scheduled for taking all such assessments must not exceed 150 percent of the time scheduled for taking a single, end-of-year test. The bill passed out of the House on a near-unanimous vote.

Why it matters :

SOL performance reports are tied to certain funding opportunities for the schools administering them. As a result, curriculum can centralize subjects tested by SOLs, like reading and mathematics, which can preclude more time spent on subjects not on SOLs, like arts and other humanities.

Broadband - Widespread adoption of online learning in response to the pandemic has exposed the chasm in educational access caused by lack of stable internet connection, especially for rural students. Both parties and chambers frequently cite the need to expand broadband access to under- and unserved communities as a matter of achieving educational equity.

PASSED IN BOTH CHAMBERS

Senator Jennifer Boysko’s bill to allow certain electric utilities and municipal/government-owned broadband authorities to petition the State Corporation Commission (SCC) to provide broadband capacity to unserved areas of the Commonwealth.

PASSED IN BOTH CHAMBERS

Senator Boysko’s bill to authorize school boards to appropriate funds and partner with private broadband service providers for the purposes of promoting and facilitating the expansion and operation of broadband services to student households that can’t afford broadband.

Why it matters :

In rural Virginia, 80% of the population has access to at least low-speed, unreliable internet while 69% have access to high-speed connections.

Additional Noteworthy Education Bills :

School Support Staff

LEFT IN HOUSE COMMITTEE

Delegate Lashrecse Aird’s bill to increase resources for academic support staff and bring down the student-to-counselor ratio. Coined the School Equity and Staffing Act, the legislation would be a bold investment in under-resourced schools.

Why it matters :

Support staff is invaluable to a healthy educational ecosystem, especially schools in urban and rural districts: counselors serve as career and college advisors, parental liaisons, and life and health counselors; school nurses may be the only healthcare provider some students ever see; first responders react to students in crisis; bus drivers ensure students get to and from school safely; and custodial staff create healthier learning environments.

Teacher Salaries

LEFT IN HOUSE COMMITTEE

Delegate Martha Mugler’s bill to compensate teachers at or above the national salary average.

Why it matters :

Virginia is the 12th wealthiest state but ranks 32nd in the nation in teacher pay. Elementary and secondary teachers in Virginia earn $51,371 and $53,777 per year, respectively, while the national average for public school teachers is $60,477 per year. Evidence indicates higher pay leads to more successful teachers, and in turn higher-achieving students.

Equitable Access to a Nurse

FAILED IN SENATE COMMITTEE

Delegate Dawn Adams’ bill to require each local school board to employ at least one full-time registered nurse in each public school (K-12) in the local school division. After passing out of the House on a broad bipartisan basis, the bill failed to report in the Senate’s Education and Health Committee.

Why it matters :

Access to a registered nurse in every school is not guaranteed in Virginia, instead allowing any school personnel to assume this position without explicit nursing credentials, which represents a glaring gap in educational equity.

Financial Aid for Undocumented Students

PASSED IN BOTH CHAMBERS

Sen. Boysko’s bill to allow in-state eligible students access to state financial aid, school-issued aid, and Tuition Assistance Grants for private schools regardless of immigration status. The bill complements legislation passed last year that grants in-state tuition to undocumented immigrants.

Why it matters :

There are 270,000 undocumented immigrants living in Virginia; removing financial barriers to the Commonwealth’s renowned higher education opportunities for these residents will not only ensure more equitable educational access but will also help keep talent in the state.

Electric Vehicles

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 11 Dec 2020 21:14:37 GMT

What’s keeping Virginians from EVs?

Virginia’s transportation sector is its largest source of carbon dioxide emissions. 48% of Virginia’s energy-related CO2 emissions come from transportation. Only 29% comes from electric power generation. As the electric grid slowly improves, consumers are starting to show more interest in electric vehicles. According to a recent report by Generation 180 , 53% of Virginians are “somewhat likely” or “very likely” to consider an EV for their next vehicle.

Justifiably, critics of widespread electric vehicle deployment are concerned with the additional electricity demand on the grid. The emissions reduction benefits from EVs are directly related to the cleanliness of the grid from which they pull their energy. However, using the average energy mix in Virginia, which includes coal-fired plants, driving an EV saves approximately 8,000 tons of CO2 per car annually compared to gas-powered cars.

Virginia also stands to gain economically from a more robust electric vehicle industry. Building out an electrified transportation sector will create many high-quality jobs. Additionally, Virginia spends approximately $10 billion per year on fuels that are imported from out of state to meet transportation needs. Bringing that added energy production in state is a way to generate additional economic output.

Despite these benefits, there are significant barriers to the EV industry in Virginia. The first is supply. Car manufacturers determine where to distribute their products and as such prioritize supplying EVs to states with favorable policies, such as minimum requirements for zero emission vehicles. Generation 180’s study calculated there are approximately 44% fewer EVs available in Virginia dealerships compared to Maryland dealerships because of differing policies.

Virginians are also reluctant to invest in EVs for fear of an inadequate charging infrastructure. Virginia currently has 1,520 public Level 2 plugs and 478 public DCFC plugs . This is to support about 24,000 EVs in the state. In contrast, Maryland has more plugs than Virginia for a far smaller geographic area.

The Generation 180 report presents a number of policy initiatives for the General Assembly to adopt:

Enact more stringent vehicle standards. States are allowed to enact vehicle emissions standards that are stricter than those at the federal level under Section 177 of the Clean Air Act. So far 14 other states have opted to do so.
Create a point-of-sale EV rebate. While EVs ultimately save money for consumers and reduce transportation emissions for the state they have a high upfront cost. Financial incentives can go a long way towards encouraging EV purchases, especially among low- and middle-income households.
Sign the Transportation Climate Initiative MOU. The TCI is a collaboration of 12 states and the District of Columbia created to reduce transportation emissions. It operates similarly to RGGI, which Virginia agreed to join this year, but specifically for transportation.

Additionally, specific incentives could be very effective in removing some barriers. Employers and developers should be given tax credits to build charging stations at various buildings. Consumers should be given price breaks to charge cars at night and other off-peak hours.

It is important to note that a stable grid is crucial to meet the expanded demand that increased numbers of EVs would create. In California there are concerns about the wear on an already overburdened system. However, many proponents contend that EVs will help California’s grid by operating essentially as batteries for their excess solar power generation. With prudent policies and infrastructure, Virginia could see a more robust EV industry and the associated benefits.

The 2020-2022 Budget

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Wed, 21 Oct 2020 20:12:03 GMT

Virginia's New $141 billion budget

Last Friday (October 16th), the General Assembly passed a new $141 billion budget prioritizing COVID-19 relief, capping a special session that began two months prior. The denouement of the marathon session wasn’t without a catch, however. The session was recessed - not adjourned - until voters decide on a referendum appearing on November’s ballot asking whether or not a constitutional amendment establishing a bipartisan commission for political redistricting should be established. The referendum has splintered the Democratic bloc , and in response, lawmakers have agreed to keep the budget open, buying time in the interim for Governor Ralph Northam (D) to submit redistricting language to the budget if the amendment passes, thus requiring legislators to briefly reconvene to vote on its final passage.

The biennial state budget, which projects how much money the state expects to earn in a two-year timeline and subsequently how every governmental program in Virginia is funded, had most recently been agreed to earlier this year to the tune of $135 billion before the coronavirus pandemic swept Virginia into economic and social uncertainty. Like most other states, Virginia faced dramatic decreases in revenue due to the pandemic , triggering Governor Northam to call for delays in the enactment of signature Democratic accomplishments made in the previous Regular Session, like increasing the minimum wage, and eventually an invocation for a special session in mid-August to revamp the damaged budget.

During the course of this unorthodox special session, lawmakers also narrowed in on police brutality and racial injustice following a dramatic summer of protest, sending a slate of criminal justice reform bills to the Governor’s desk for signatures. The updated budget includes new funding for these reforms and other priority areas related to the pandemic, like child care, housing, and hazard pay, as well as plans to spend the remaining federal CARES funds before the December 30 deadline, when any unspent money must be returned to the federal government. Here are the revisions to the budget you need to know about:

$12 million to fund the new criminal justice and police reform measures, as well as $11 million to supply all law enforcement officers with a one-time $500 bonus;
A universal moratorium on evictions for residential properties to the end of the year;
A 60-day extension of the utility disconnection moratorium, to take effect after the end of the declared state of emergency or until economic or public health conditions improve, including the establishment of a repayment plan program for customers who owe money during the moratorium;
$72 million in hazard pay (additional pay for performing work in hazardous conditions) for personal care attendants risking their lives caring for elderly Virginians or Virginians with disabilities;
$76 million to support child care;
$85 million for broadband expansion, with an additional $30 million allocated from CARES funding;
$120 million for colleges and universities to help defray the costs of responding to COVID-19 and the adoption of online learning, including $220 million in relief funds for K-12 schools struggling with reopening;
$210 million for unemployment assistance;
$60 million for additional hospital reimbursements under Medicaid;
and $25 million to retain providers of day support services (programming alternatives for individuals with developmental disabilities on Medicaid who are less interested in employment or who may require more therapeutic interventions in order to have a meaningful day), among myriad other line items

Overall, net new spending would increase by roughly $240 million, paid for with a blend of savings and nearly $187 million in cash the Northam administration had left unassigned to hedge against economic uncertainty. The issuance of these reforms and desperately-needed pandemic relief, however, hangs at a standstill. Virginians will have to wait until they decide the fate of the redistricting amendment on November 3rd before the new budget becomes law.

Special Session Ends With $3.4 Billion In American Rescue Plan Spending

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Wed, 12 Aug 2020 15:04:03 GMT

Virginia’s General Assembly wrapped up a brief special session this past Tuesday. The session, which was limited in scope, brought legislators to Richmond to decide how to allocate $4.3 billion in funds granted to the state via the American Rescue Plan and to fill judicial vacancies. The American Rescue Plan, a $1.9 trillion economic stimulus package passed by Congress and signed into law by the President in March, aims to support economic recovery throughout the nation after a year of uncertainty brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic. Virginia became eligible to begin spending its allocation of ARP funds at the beginning of July.

Legislators decided to spend $3.4 billion of the federal aid this year, leaving the remaining $1.1 billion in funds for spending in the next biennial budget that’s set to be shaped during the 2022 regular session. The additional funds may also be used for efforts to mitigate COVID-19 as Virginia begins to see a surge of cases brought on by the Delta variant.

On the other hand, the $3.4 billion to be spent during this fiscal year will be funding a number of notable projects.

With Virginian children heading back to schools this fall, ventilation and air quality will be crucial to keeping classrooms healthy, especially considering that COVID-19 is an airborne virus. The legislature moved to allocate $250 million to complete planned ventilation and air quality upgrades in schools throughout the state. The $250 million is to be matched by localities, for a total of $500 million in investments.

With many parts of the state — especially rural areas — lacking reliable access to the internet, universal broadband coverage has been a priority of the General Assembly for years. In 2018, Governor Ralph Northam set a goal to achieve universal broadband coverage in Virginia by 2028. But with the General Assembly approving $222 million in funds to accelerate this goal, Virginians can now expect internet access in every part of the state by 2024, four years earlier than originally planned.

In the wake of five mental health institutions halting admissions on account of staffing shortages earlier this summer, the General Assembly allocated $354 million to be used for compensating staff at behavioral health institutions throughout the state. A portion of these funds will also be used to compensate state law enforcement officers. This allocation, however, is contingent upon further approval by the General Assembly during the 2022 regular session.

With the state’s unemployment fund practically empty after a year of surging unemployment claims caused by the pandemic, $862 million will be used to replenish the fund. These funds will help small businesses avoid a steep tax increase next year that would have contributed to refilling the fund’s coffers.

Aside from allocating ARP funds, the General Assembly also filled eight judicial vacancies. Earlier this year, the legislature voted to allow the right of appeal in all criminal and civil cases. Prior to this action, Virginia was the only state in the country that didn’t guarantee this right. Since the volume of cases the Court of Appeals will hear is certain to increase, the composition of the state’s second-highest court will grow from 11 judges to 17. Judges were appointed to fill these new roles, and two other existing vacancies were also filled. The new appeals court judges include Dominique A. Callins, Doris Henderson Causey, Vernida R. Chaney, Frank Friedman, Junius P. Fulton, Lisa M. Lorish, Daniel E. Ortiz, and Stuart A. Raphael.

The General Assembly is scheduled to next meet on January 12, 2022, when the 2022 regular session will begin.

Pathways to a More Effective Government

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Tue, 16 Jun 2020 16:53:14 GMT

Understanding what procedural and structural issues stand in the way of good governance

Why do good bills fail? Why do some bipartisan issues never see the light of day? Why are well-conceived solutions so hard to implement? And why is it so difficult to understand what is happening in our government?

We at VaOurWay decided to examine these important questions to understand exactly what procedural and structural issues stand in the way of our ever-growing concerns. Many people still lack access to basic services like healthcare, decent education, and broadband. Unemployment rates soar while Virginians remain uncertain about our economic outlook, and our energy system needs more modernity, diversity, and security. Unsurprisingly, Virginians are looking to our leadership for answers. By pinpointing the various hurdles that face our state government, we aim to encourage a more efficient, more transparent, and more just Virginia legislature capable of serving its people.

Legislative Procedures

Despite a number of fixes to the General Assembly’s structure suggested over the years, very little has changed. The first concern, and potentially most impactful, is the duration of the legislative session itself. In even-numbered years, the session is held for 60 days. In odd-numbered years, the session lasts only 30 days. While this is often subject to extensions, it is far too short for legislators to fairly consider the thousands of bills introduced annually. Along those same lines, it makes it very difficult for citizens to remain informed about important legislative changes.

Second, in order to accommodate this abbreviated timeline, Virginia utilizes a robust system of committees and subcommittees that tend to do the bulk of the legislative analysis and decision-making. This is so every lawmaker need not be privy to each and every bill. There are several reasons why this system teeters on simply undemocratic.

The first is the role of committee chairs. Every chair has the authority to dictate the bills that are placed on a committee docket. Thus, specific legislators are able to give preference to certain bills and simply refuse to hear others. This practice has prevented bills from receiving the benefit of full consideration and shields legislators from uncomfortable or politically damaging decisions.

Subcommittees, groups of only 6-10 legislators, can have an even more authoritative role. With a committee that small, it is much more likely that individual wills win out. Moreover, on the House side, if a bill dies in subcommittee, it isn’t even taken up at the committee level. The result is centrist-oriented legislation that could have broad support from a full chamber may fail because of the decision of a few.

A simple fix would be to extend the session comparable to other states. By doing so, Legislators would not have to rely so heavily on committee recommendations if there were more time to make well-informed decisions. There are some issues with a longer legislative session, in particular, the cost of having full-time legislators. It is also more difficult to track a year-round session. However, the General Assembly could explore moving up the filing deadline for bills so stakeholders would have more time to get a grasp on potential legislation.

Another remedy is to broadcast subcommittee hearings online. While the General Assembly did recently begin streaming full committee hearings, crucial decisions are continually made at the subcommittee level. Therefore, recording these meetings for public view is not only logical, but a critical step towards a more transparent and accessible legislature.

Lobbying

Virginia has a forceful lobbying presence. This is in large part due to the brevity of the session and the wide variety of issues legislators are expected to consider. At its core, lobbying can be a very useful practice. Lobbyists represent a wide variety of interests and can help educate legislators on the nuance of specific issues while professionally advocating for causes and clients.

However, fair lobbying requires transparency and equality of access. Lobbyists often conjure images of smoke-filled backrooms and under-the-table dealings because there are insufficient regulations surrounding lobbying. Virginia is no exception. In the Commonwealth, lobbyists must register with the Virginia Conflicts of Interest and Ethics Advisory Council and disclose what they plan to lobby on. Strategically, lobbyists are very vague with these disclosures, thereby obfuscating what should be a transparent process. Additionally, the Ethics Council has no mechanism to audit the disclosures and thus has little power to enforce them.

Virginia law also generates a great deal of ambiguity around the practice of lobbying itself. The definition is much narrower than that of the IRS and only includes the direct interaction with the legislator or the executive branch official for the purpose of advocating for a specific legislative agenda, which leaves a great deal of leeway. For instance, former Virginia House Speaker Bill Howell was hired by a large lobbying firm following his retirement from politics. He was unable to lobby his first year at the firm because of a Virginia law, but the weak definition of lobbying allowed him to influence his former colleagues.

It is not uncommon to see very close relationships between lobbyists and legislators in Virginia. And lobbyists’ influence is often enhanced when campaign contributions are involved. At its worst, lobbyists are writing bills themselves for legislators to submit. More regulation on lobbying is needed to ensure Virginia is a state of fair and open advocacy.

Campaign Finance

Campaign finance reform has been proposed to the legislature many times over the years, but ultimately has never passed. Unfortunately, it is an issue of self-regulation, which is often difficult for leaders to do. Virginia is one of only four states without any limitations on campaign contributions. There is also no cap on gifts to elected officials as long as anything over $50 is disclosed. This requirement does not extend to immediate family members.

Large corporate contributions results in a tremendous influence in the General Assembly. Altria and Dominion Energy are Virginia’s largest campaign contributors.

Additionally, there are very few restrictions on how campaign money can be spent. It is not uncommon for our government officials to charge campaigns or political action committees for personal expenses.

The problem extends beyond our Delegates, State Senators, and Governor. The Virginia Attorney General, who is tasked with independent advocacy for consumers, is an elected position. He or she will constantly be under political pressure because of these contributions, but often cannot win an election without them.

Virginia lacks an independent ethics commission with the authority to audit disclosure documents and enforce the few laws that currently exist. Ultimately, unlimited campaign contributions result in a conflict of interest. Our elected officials should be beholden to all citizens and the views they represent. The growing money in Virginia politics has only made loud voices louder.

SCC Oversight Issues

The Virginia State Corporation Commission (SCC) is a little-known entity with a big job. It is tasked with the regulation of public utilities, insurance, state-chartered financial institutions, securities, retail franchising, and railroads. This is where a lot of Virginia’s important economic oversight happens. However, its constitutional structure is problematic. It is, and should be, an independent agency, but receives its power and mandates from the General Assembly.

Its independence insulates it from the influence of campaign contributions, but our legislators impose more will on the SCC than was intended. SCC judges are only allowed to make decisions the General Assembly permits them to make and often has its hands tied by legislatively mandated considerations.

Decisions pertaining to public utilities are particularly prone to legislative distortion. The omnibus energy bill from 2018, SB 966, had the effect of predetermining the SCC’s findings in certain types of cases. The legislature also negotiated a multi-year rate freeze for Dominion, which bypasses the SCC’s task of utility rate setting.

The SCC was intended to be an independent regulator and arbiter for some of Virginia’s most influential businesses. Excessive involvement from the legislature has only served to distort its mission.

Concluding Remarks

As Virginians seek solutions to a growing list of concerns, the need for transparency, efficacy, and equity in our state legislature is more important than ever. An examination of the structural and procedural issues present in Virginia reveals a multitude of remedies. By making the Regular Session more accessible, broadcasting subcommittee hearings, tamping down on loose lobbying practices, reigning in the influence of money in politics, and establishing strong, independent criteria for the SCC, we can begin to build the kind of just and effective government the people of this Commonwealth deserve.

Likely Census Delay

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 12 Jun 2020 20:09:34 GMT

Census Delay Throws a Wrench in Redistricting

In response to operational hindrances caused by the COVID-19 outbreak, the U.S. Census Bureau asked Congress in April to extend the data collection period of their decennial report by four months. Congress is expected to authorize the Bureau’s request, which would expose Virginia to a unique set of challenges as it faces once-in-a-decade redistricting, a constitutional amendment to reform such a process, and scheduled elections in 2021.

“Gerrymandering” is the deliberate manipulation of an electoral constituency’s boundaries in order to benefit a political party. It has long troubled democracy in Virginia. Under the current system, the General Assembly alone is responsible for redrawing electoral district lines. With no mention of rules or clear criteria in Virginia’s Constitution on how this procedure should take place, lawmakers have had the de facto power of carving out their own electorate. Efforts to reform this process in the Commonwealth - which more than 70% of Virginians support - successfully manifested itself earlier this year, when state lawmakers passed the second step in a proposed constitutional amendment to create Virginia’s first independent redistricting commission. Moreover, the passage of accompanying legislation created further criteria that seeks to protect minority populations in the redistricting process.

Should Virginians favor the amendment at the ballot box this November in the form of a referendum , a “ Virginia Redistricting Commission ” would be formally created. This newly-minted, 16-person commission, composed of eight state lawmakers, four each from the two major parties, and eight citizens, would then use new census data to redraw the state’s congressional and General Assembly district lines in time for next year’s June primary contests. However, if the census results are not released to states until July 31st, 2021, as would be the case if Congress grants the Bureau an extension, Virginia could end up postponing the primary until the state legislature - or the Virginia Redistricting Commission - processes the delayed population data and redraws district lines.

However, even a postponed primary is unlikely to provide adequate time to draw new districts with new census data, especially considering filing deadlines for candidates and the need to update the electorate on their new districts. An alternative situation could witness the June contests proceeding as scheduled under the existing maps. This, however, could open the door to legal challenges. If courts question the results based on the nearly decade-old maps employed, they could order a special election to be held in 2022 once the new districts are in place. Considering 2023 is a normal election cycle for the General Assembly, the House of Delegates could face three consecutive years of elections.

Be that as it may, the challenges presented by COVID-19 and the extension of census results will inevitably force Virginia to navigate landmark redistricting reform under a condensed timeline. Virginia isn’t a stranger to ad hoc election rescheduling in the face of a new census nor three House elections in as many years . In 2011, the state’s primary was rescheduled from June to August in order to allow time for legislative redistricting. Nevertheless, what remains to be seen is how quickly and fairly new congressional and state legislative maps, which will invariably impact Virginia politics for the next decade, will be implemented.

Broadband

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sun, 07 Jun 2020 17:17:09 GMT

Broadband: What is it and why is it important?

The internet has eased some of the pains of the COVID-19 pandemic. Some of us are fortunate enough to work remotely, many students have the opportunity to learn from home, telemedicine has prevented unnecessary doctor’s visits, and video calling has kept family and friends together even when they’re physically apart. Unfortunately, all of these opportunities go away for those who don’t have access to the internet. An estimated 19 million Americans - 6 percent of the total U.S. population - lacks access to broadband service.

Even before we began socially distancing, rural communities were seeing the effects of slow or nonexistent internet access. Not only does it negatively impact the lives of the individuals in rural America, but it also prevents businesses from relocating to areas that do not have internet sufficient to build connected commerce.

What is Broadband?

Broadband generally refers to the range of technologies behind access to high-speed internet. It is hard-wired internet access that can be delivered by cable, satellite, mobile, fiber optics, and ADSL (asymmetric digital subscriber line). It is capable of transporting multiple signals and types of traffic simultaneously. These methods are much faster than dial-up internet, which was the precursor to broadband and relied solely on your telephone line for a connection.

The most common technology employed for internet connection is wired, either through cables, fiber optics, or copper wires. Wireless connections, which include mobile access, are also prevalent, but require the same wired infrastructure running up to certain premises. In either case, these wired connections have largely been installed and are now owned by private companies.

Because of the costs associated with broadband projects in rural areas, private companies are generally unwilling to build the infrastructure. Building out the necessary foundation for broadband technology costs the same mile-per-mile. However, in rural areas, the same investment will yield far fewer customers.

What are the benefits?

On an economic level, high-speed internet access can be very impactful to rural communities. E-recruiting lowers job search costs and unemployment rates. It also helps to increase workers’ online and technical skills, thus improving their wages.

Additionally, incorporating reliable technology into existing rural businesses will boost productivity and generate more revenue. 66% of rural small businesses say poor internet access negatively impacts their business and 38% of rural small businesses say they cannot hire talent with digital skills in their area.

Broadband access has also helped to improve the general quality of life for individuals and communities. It is essential for educational tools, problem-solving, and managing health. Social networking helps to maintain connections within and outside of one’s community. And internet access makes civic engagement much more accessible.

The State of Broadband in Virginia

In 2018, Governor Northam announced a plan to deliver infrastructure for internet access to all of Virginia within 10 years. The argument for rural broadband goes beyond equality. Broadband across the Commonwealth could add as much as $1,291,200,000 to gross state product and create approximately 9,415 new jobs . This far exceeds any potential state expenditure necessary to expand broadband access.

Currently, in Virginia’s rural areas, 80.1% of the population has access to low-speed, unreliable internet and only 69% have access to high-speed connections.

Virginia does have existing programs, like grants from the Virginia Telecommunications Initiative ( VATI ) and the Tobacco Region Revitalization Commission ( TRRC ), to help mitigate these issues, but they haven’t been able to reach the entire Commonwealth. These programs have traditionally been well-funded by the legislature. A grant applicant must be a public-private partnership between a local government and a private sector ISP with the goal of bringing service to their community.

These existing grant programs have not been sufficient to incentivize private companies and remove restrictive regulations. More needs to be accomplished at the state level to ensure robust rural connectivity. Stay tuned for our next piece on how to expand broadband in Virginia through advocacy and legislative change!

COVID-19 & Energy Usage

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 08 May 2020 17:14:49 GMT

Is now the time to reshape our energy economy?

Our economy is radically shifting and with it the demand for energy. It will likely come as a surprise to no one that overall energy demand is falling as restaurants and shops shutter, factories close, and airlines ground a majority of their flights. But what this shift represents is a major opportunity for policymakers, stakeholders, and advocates to examine the energy landscape, and perhaps, change it for the better.

Electricity needs are experiencing an overall decline. In major cities particularly impacted by the crisis, like New York City, there was a decline of 7-8% between the beginning of March and the beginning of April. Residences are consuming an average of 20% more electricity, but this increase in usage has not offset the ordinary demand from office buildings, restaurants, stores, and factories.

Based on a study conducted in Austin, residences’ profile of electricity usage is also shifting. There are no longer morning and evening spikes, and consumption remains fairly constant throughout the workday. This has the impact of flattening the “duck curve,” which has been a major argument against the implementation of distributed solar. Opponents of expansive rooftop solar often contend that the sun shines the least when the demand for electricity is highest (in the mornings and evenings). However, with more people working from home, this paradigm is also changing.

Oil and gas have also become very unstable industries. Oil prices have plunged over 20% . Demand for fuel for cars, planes, and trucks was down 30% in mid-March. The United States is running out of places to store crude oil and has been pressuring foreign exporters to keep their supply. Oil and gas executives have pled with the White House for an industry-wide bailout.

There is, of course, the question of whether this demand destruction is temporary, or will persist. As economies open up, it is likely that something close to normal energy demand will return to many commercial and service industries. However, as employees adjust to the work-from-home lifestyle, it is possible that employers will see the potential savings of a remote workforce. This would reduce energy consumption from office buildings and daily commutes.

All this uncertainty presents an excellent opportunity to reevaluate. Many policymakers are taking this time to assess apparent gaps in wealth disparities and healthcare. Stakeholders in the energy industry should do the same. On April 24th, there was a G20 meeting held to discuss recovery packages with a special focus on energy efficiency and renewable energy. Furthermore, the US Department of Energy recently announced a $20 million expenditure with the goal of exploring commercial adaptations of offshore wind energy.

In recent years, the United States has prided itself not only on its energy independence, but energy dominance. This has largely been a result of oil and gas exports. In order to maintain this position, the White House is considering substantial loans to an industry that already enjoys $400 billion in subsidies. Instead of doubling down on unstable energy sources, the US should shift its focus to renewables. Our economy is in freefall and the government will have a heavy hand in rebuilding it. Why not take this opportunity to invest in renewable energy projects that will bring jobs, security, and sustainability to uncertain times?

Vote at Home

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 10 Apr 2020 17:10:46 GMT

How a pandemic exposed the need for expanded voting

VaOurWay has long been a proponent of expanding voter access, from no-excuse absentee voting to early voting opportunities. This stems from the belief that every citizen should have an opportunity to be heard. In-person voting at a specific place during a specific time can be very burdensome for people with various disabilities, a lack of transportation, or a lack of flexibility on a workday. This has only worsened in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. Now more than ever we need flexible voting options. Voters should not be faced with a decision between their own health and casting their ballot.

How is COVID-19 impacting voting?

Polling places during election season are generally small and naturally crowded places. These are exactly the types of public gatherings that should be discouraged while our nation is trying to get the virus under control. As a result, many local elections have already been postponed. 15 states have already delayed primaries or allowed for voting by mail with extended deadlines.

Wisconsin held its primary elections on April 7, following the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s decision to require the primaries to move ahead as planned. Many criticized the decision as a partisan move. As a result, the state saw starkly low voter turnout, a shortage of poll workers, shuttered polling places, and exceedingly long lines in compliance with social distancing guidelines. Wisconsin’s primaries showed the nation why we need a better option.

What is ‘Vote at Home’?

With the Vote at Home system, registered voters receive their ballots automatically through the mail two weeks before election day. Once they are filled out, voters return their ballots either in-person or by mail. They must be postmarked by election day.

Opponents of this system, including President Trump, have decried it as unsafe, costly, and partisan. However, paper ballots are much more difficult to tamper with because there will always be a paper trail. In Colorado, voters sign a barcode on the envelope which much match the signature given at the time of registration. Additionally, most jurisdictions that have implemented mail-in voting have seen a reduction in overall costs.

Finally, while expanded voter access has largely been viewed as a Democratic issue, Republicans should be equally as eager to implement these measures because many of their voters are older and particularly susceptible to coronavirus.

States that have already implemented these measures are seeing record voter turnout. In 2016 there was an average increase of 20% in voter turnout, and an average increase of 30% in 2018. It’s clear that people prefer the convenience of flexible voting.

The National Disaster and Emergency Ballot Act

November seems far away, but in order for states that are not currently equipped for mail-in ballots to prepare themselves, they must start now. Accordingly, Senators Klobuchar and Wyden have sponsored a bill called the National Disaster and Emergency Ballot Act . This would ensure every voter a secure mail-in paper ballot. It also expands early voting options to avoid lines, helps states recruit younger poll workers, and puts restrictions around federal investment into internet voting, which most experts say is insecure.

With the presidency, 11 gubernatorial races, 35 Senate seats, and all 435 House of Representative seats on the line this November, we must take steps to ensure that all voters can safely cast their ballots without risking their health.

How is COVID-19 impacting Virginia's budget?

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 03 Apr 2020 17:08:33 GMT

How has the Virginia budget fared amidst a pandemic?

When the General Assembly adjourned on March 12th, they had agreed upon a $135 billion budget that would apply to Virginia for the next two years and affect nearly every Virginian. The budget, which funds every governmental program in the Commonwealth, is based upon projections of the state’s expected revenue. In the simplest terms, the state determines how much money it expects to earn in a two-year timeline and then allocates those funds through the budget. Those estimations, however, along with Virginia’s current budget, are now in jeopardy due to the economic and social fallout of the COVID-19 crisis. The Commonwealth, like most others, is now facing dramatic decreases in revenue that are likely to last for at least several months. This year’s proposed budget is therefore likely larger than what Virginia can actually afford over the next two years and currently includes funding that may need to be cut.

This conversation is likely to come to a head on April 22nd, when lawmakers will enter the annual veto session where they traditionally act on the Governor’s budget recommendations, proposed amendments to legislation, along with vetoed legislation. Everything that happened at the General Assembly will have to be reassessed and possibly reallocated. Senator Steve Newman has estimated that the COVID-19 crisis could cost the Commonwealth between $1.5 and $3 billion. However, Virginia is in a better position than some states because it currently has $2 billion in financial reserves. Additionally, the recently approved federal stimulus package will provide Virginia with $1.5 billion in aid, which can be used to replenish costs the state will incur to fight COVID-19. The conversation will likely continue to evolve in the coming days and we will keep you informed.

Paid Family and Medical Leave:

Earned paid sick leave came close to passing in Virginia at this year’s General Assembly session but was ultimately killed just before the end of session. SB 481 passed both the House and the Senate but was adjusted before the end of session. The House approved the new version while the Senate Finance Committee left the bill behind due to budget concerns. This all came about right as Virginia saw its first coronavirus cases, which could negatively impact those who are or will be out of work due to the pervasive illness.

However, there has been some relief on the federal level, coming in the form of the Families First Coronavirus Response Act. Employers with fewer than 500 employees will now be required to provide employees with up to 10 weeks of paid family and medical leave. For more details on this program, click here .

Local Government:

Many local governments are concerned about the fiscal impact of the coronavirus and are imploring the state government to place a stay on some of the policies that passed the 2020 General Assembly Session and would otherwise go into effect on July 1, 2020. The localities’ primary concerns are the minimum wage increase, the new ability for local government employees to collectively bargain, and expanded workers’ compensation. They are asking for a delay until July 1, 2021, but the state government has yet to comment on its willingness to do so.

Should utilities still be monopolies?

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Wed, 25 Mar 2020 17:05:38 GMT

The History and Future of Energy Utilities

The 2020 General Assembly Session saw a record number of energy bills, many aimed at changing the way our electric utilities operate. One, in particular, would have completely changed the energy monopoly paradigm in Virginia. This raises an age-old question here in the Commonwealth: do we need our electric utilities to have a monopoly over their respective regions?

History

Many investor-owned utilities, like Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power here in Virginia, are “vertically integrated.” This means they produce the electricity, transmit it, and distribute it to the end-user all themselves. The vertically integrated structure largely comes from the historic rise of power plants and the needs of the time.

First, when electricity was just beginning to have practical applicability, and some were considering the ability to provide it to buildings and residences, a number of factors resulted in the prevalence of alternating current (AC), instead of direct current (DC). AC is capable of carrying power much greater distances. Second, steam turbines were more readily used because of their production capacity. Steam turbines are very large, and combined with the ability to carry electricity further, power plants got much bigger and were built further away from the population centers they were powering.

In order to deal with these larger, more distant power plants, a vast infrastructure of transmission and distribution lines needed to be built. The combination of these factors created two structural conditions for the electricity market: a high barrier to entry and enormous economies of scale. These two components tend to create a natural monopoly. However, regulators were wary of splitting up these monopolies because of the desire for reliable and readily available energy, which could only be met by one of these energy behemoths. The compromise was a regulated monopoly. In the energy space, a regulated monopoly can’t profit, but it can charge what is deemed “reasonable” for its costs and returns for investors. This structure provided cheap and expansive energy for the whole country.

Electricity Monopolies Today

Many argue that, while this structure was historically necessary, the model no longer works. The rate structure of a regulated monopoly removes any outside competition. Rates are set by regulators, not by the market. Utilities have little incentive for innovation because of the guaranteed returns, the expansive bureaucracy created by regulatory agencies, and the significant sunk costs.

Further, technology is reducing costs in a few different ways. New technology surrounding energy generation, like solar and wind, can significantly lower fuel costs. On the demand side, new technologies like smart meters and energy-efficient appliances can ease costs by reducing demand. The advent of net-metering also allows for the possibility of a multidirectional grid. Investment into innovations like these is crucial to advancing the electric grid to provide power more efficiently, reliably, and inexpensively. It remains to be seen if utilities will continue to drag their feet on modernizing, or if the threat of change will be enough to move the needle.

HB 1677

Delegate Keam introduced a bill to begin shifting this model. HB 1677 would have replaced the Virginia Utility Regulation Act and allowed consumers to purchase electricity from the retail provider of their choice. The bill would have accomplished this by abandoning the vertical integration structure and requiring all incumbent investor-owned utilities, municipal power producers, and electric cooperatives to separate their distribution, transmission, and power generation functions. According to the proposed legislation, this can be achieved by creating separate companies or selling assets to a third party. This would allow customers to select their retail provider and allow the remaining (and new) companies to sort out the energy supply chain in a competitive environment. The bill was continued to 2021, which means there is hope that it will be discussed with some sincerity next year.

Issue Deep-Dive: Minimum Wage in Virginia

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Wed, 27 Nov 2019 18:03:16 GMT

Should the minimum wage be increased?

Virginia follows the federal minimum wage, which is currently set at $7.25 per hour. At this rate, a Virginian working full-time will make only $15,080 each year before taxes. Virginia is one of only a handful of other states that have opted not to increase its minimum wage beyond the federally mandated minimum. 67% of Americans believe the minimum wage should be increased to $15/hour, but the issue continues to remain deeply partisan in the Commonwealth.

View from the Right:

Republicans believe that it’d be great for everyone to make more money, but don’t believe that the economy will be able to sustain a minimum wage increase. They believe that forcing businesses to raise their minimum wage, especially to a proposed $15, would be unsustainable and put many small businesses out of business. Particularly in Virginia, where we have rural counties with a much lower cost of living, $7.25 can, in many cases, create a living wage. Additionally, they are concerned that businesses that were once attracted to the low cost of doing business in Virginia may rethink their choices if employee costs go up.

View from the Left:

Democrats believe that Virginia’s minimum wage was set more than a decade ago and no longer reflects the needs of society. Since the minimum wage was set, prices have skyrocketed, new and expensive technologies are becoming a part of everyday life, and we are leaving minimum-wage workers behind. They believe that an individual, especially those providing for a family, simply cannot survive on $15,080 a year. Additionally, they point out that it’s very likely that many minimum-wage workers are receiving social benefits from the state to make up for unlivable wages, which means the state is essentially subsidizing companies who refuse to pay their employees a living wage. Accordingly, companies like Walmart and Target have preemptively raised their employees’ wages and as a result, more money has been spent in those stores.

View from the General Assembly:

During the 2019 Session, the General Assembly dodged any efforts to increase the minimum wage because of the partisan divide on the issue. There was, however, a smattering of different minimum wage bills presented with different solutions.

With the new Democratic majority, the minimum wage will certainly be at the forefront of the 2020 General Assembly session. A majority of Americans - and Virginians - support these efforts to create a more sustainable workforce that can afford to feed their families and participate in the economy in a valuable way. Some form of an increase will likely make its way through the legislature, but the question remains which iteration the reform will take.

At VaOurWay, we believe that “[e]very Virginian should be afforded the same access to the opportunity to reach their full potential so that they can become contributing members of the community.” In practice, that means that when a Virginian works full-time for a whole year, they should be able to support their family with their wages and live with dignity. Furthermore, we recognize that workers paid a respective wage are less likely to need government assistance and more likely to provide resources for the existing economy. A livable wage guarantees more self-sufficient workers and a healthier Virginia.

Virginia’s New Legislature

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Wed, 13 Nov 2019 16:23:48 GMT

Virginia Has a New Majority

Last Tuesday, Virginians went to the polls to elect all 140 members of the state legislature. As one of only three states with a major off-year election, the outcome of this election shaped the new face of Virginia and was heralded as a potential bellwether for next year’s Presidential election. With a record turnout of nearly 40% (compared to only 29% in 2015), Virginians elected a Democratic majority in both the Senate and House of Delegates, turning Virginia solidly ‘blue’ for the first time in 26 years. Democrats now control the Senate with a 21-19 majority and the House of Delegates with a 55-45 majority.

Even though every seat in the General Assembly was up for grabs, the partisan flip came down to a few specific races, where Democrats managed to take seats away from Republican incumbents or win in districts where Republicans were retiring. No Democratic incumbents lost their seats in this year’s elections.

What does this mean for Virginia?

For years, the Democrats in Virginia have been trying to pursue an agenda that has largely been stymied by those in the Republican majority. With their newfound control of the state government, Democrats have already begun to announce new policy priorities. In a cabinet meeting last week, Governor Ralph Northam announced that Democrats would be using their majority to address new gun control measures, a raise in the minimum wage, the decriminalization of marijuana, and measures to allow localities to take down Confederate statues. These promises will all be tested in the next General Assembly, which begins on January 10, 2020.

Whether there is a concerted Democratic effort surrounding these efforts remains to be seen. On Saturday, Delegate Eileen Filler-Corn made history when unanimously voted the next speaker of the House of Delegates. She will be the first woman and Jewish politician to ever hold the role.

Primer: Voter Empowerment

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Tue, 29 Oct 2019 15:20:09 GMT

Redistricting, Campaign Funds, Voter Access

Background:

The right to vote is one of our most fundamental rights and enshrined forever in our Constitution. But that right can be alarmingly curtailed by external circumstances. By controlling who can vote, when they can vote, whom they can vote for, and even what can be done with campaign funds, the members of the General Assembly have the complex responsibility of regulating themselves and their own activities. Voting is fundamental to a functioning democracy, and so regulations surrounding free and fair voting should be examined with the highest scrutiny.

Looking Back at 2019:

One of the biggest issues that arose in the 2019 General Assembly was redistricting reform and an attempt to create an independent commission to oversee the process moving forward. After several statewide lawsuits and an overwhelming amount of press coverage, the pressure was mounting at the General Assembly to address heavily gerrymandered voting districts in Virginia. The Virginia constitution requires districts that are “compact” and “contiguous,” which they currently are not. A court has already invalidated these districts as unconstitutional and ordered the General Assembly to revise the boundaries based on the court’s parameters.

To address the claims of partisan and racial gerrymandering, both chambers passed legislation to create an independent 16-member commission made up of 8 citizens and 8 legislators (4 from the Senate and 4 from the House), who will draw new district lines after the 2020 census. The legislation had unanimous support in the Senate but did draw criticism from the African American caucus in the House of Delegates, who were concerned that the commission would have no African-American representation.

Redistricting Reform

The passage of the 2019 legislation was momentous, but only the first step in a multi-year process to officially amend the state constitution. The General Assembly will have to pass the same measure in next year’s session, which will then be followed by a statewide ballot referendum for all Virginians in the fall of 2020. The legislation must pass both hurdles before being cemented into the Virginia Constitution in time for the 2020 census results. If recognized, these changes will dramatically reshape Virginia’s political map.

Campaign Funds

Currently, in Virginia, politicians are able to use funds from campaign contributions for personal use. Despite a multi-year debate to end the practice and calls from the Commission on Integrity and Public Confidence in State Government to pass legislation, all attempts have failed. The bill from the 2019 session, which passed the House of Delegates with unanimous support, was simply left in the Senate Rules Committee, where it was never brought to a vote and simply died at the end of the session. This year there will likely be renewed support for the regulation of campaign funds and support from the public will be vital in pushing it through.

Voting Restrictions

Virginia historically has very tight voting restrictions, despite its high voter turnout, which has led many legislators to pursue various expansions of voting opportunities. Although many pieces of legislation did not make it through the 2019 session, two bills were passed and will allow people to vote in-person, without an excuse, for a week preceding elections. Although this legislation will not go into effect until 2020, it will give Virginians far more opportunities to vote in the future. There are other ways that the legislature can make it easier for citizens to get to the polls, including mandated time off for voting, an Election Day holiday, or eased restrictions on absentee voting.

Primer: Healthcare

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Fri, 18 Oct 2019 15:17:03 GMT

The Opioid Crisis, Cost of Care, Medicaid Expansion

Background:

Access to comprehensive, affordable healthcare is vital to preventing and managing disease, reducing burdens of disability, and promoting the overall health of the population. Not only is equitable healthcare a matter of human rights, but it also creates a more productive and efficient workforce and takes financial burdens off of overburdened healthcare institutions.

Approximately 323,000 Virginians will continue to be uninsured and will still have to rely on free clinics and emergency rooms, while many more will struggle to pay high insurance premiums, even with government assistance. Further still, those who do not qualify for government assistance and do not have an option through an employer will struggle to find reasonably priced insurance coverage. Opioid deaths are still ravaging Virginia, especially in rural areas. We hope that these issues and more will be addressed by the legislature next session.

Looking Back at 2019:

An impressively bipartisan effort to raise the age limit for purchasing tobacco and nicotine vapor products from 18 to 21 passed this year. HB2748 was a direct response to the growing number of teens who are becoming addicted to such products. The US Center for Disease Control has reported that the percentage of high school seniors who have used an e-cigarette in the last 30 days has risen from 11% in 2017 to 20% in 2018. Use at a young age often leads to lifelong addictions. This bill gained particular support from House Speaker Kirk Cox, who was a teacher and is familiar with the mounting number of tobacco addictions.

The legislature also began to tackle what is sure to be a more complex issue in the future: telemedicine. Telemedicine is the practice of remotely caring for a patient, generally through videoconferencing and internet and phone communications. This has the potential to expand access to medical services, especially primary care services. While this industry will certainly require careful regulation, it seems to be an important step towards opening access to healthcare.

Medicaid Expansion

Medicaid expansion was historically a partisan issue in Virginia, preventing its passage when it first became available. After years of opposition, four Republican senators crossed party lines and Medicaid expansion was approved in 2018 and took effect at the beginning of this year. Traditional Medicaid only offers coverage to children, mothers, and pregnant women. The expanded services offer health coverage to all adults earning up to 138% of the poverty level. Prior to the expansion, those most in need of health coverage were excluded. Low-income individuals are more likely to develop hypertension, diabetes, and cancer, as well as additional mental health concerns. Since the beginning of this year, 325,092 Virginians, who were previously without any healthcare, have enrolled in Medicaid.

Cost of Care

Despite the successful expansion of Medicaid, there are still hundreds of thousands of Virginians left without access to affordable healthcare. Those who do not qualify for Medicaid but do not have the means to pay for comprehensive insurance are stuck in this healthcare gap. Many individuals have poor coverage with high deductibles or no insurance at all. The effects of this can be seen by the 36,000 lawsuits the University of Virginia Health System has filed in the last six years to recoup the high cost of medical services from the underinsured and uninsured. Many face financial ruin resulting from these lawsuits. This coverage gap should be addressed by the legislature in order to create a healthier and more equitable Virginia.

Prescription Drug Costs

Drug prices continue to rise far faster than the rate of inflation. The average annual cost of a brand-name drug has more than tripled in the past decade, jumping from $1,868 in 2006 to $6,798 in 2017, according to the AARP Public Policy Institute. The legislature will have to determine ways to moderate these price increases. Some options for mitigating these costs could come through negotiated prices for commonly used drugs, price caps, transparent pricing, or other solutions.

Mental Health and Disabilities

Virginia has seen a significant increase in those seeking mental health services from hospitals and psychiatric facilities. However, the state has not sufficiently allocated the resources to increase these vital public resources. The result is dangerous overcrowding at state facilities and overburdening of private facilities.

Autism has also emerged as an important issue. The prevalence of autism has increased significantly in recent years, with studies showing a rate of 1 in 59 children identified with autism spectrum disorder. Public healthcare and public education are ill-prepared to deal with the needs of this growing population. Virginia must step up to address these issues and advocate for this community. There are many ways for the legislature to do this, for instance, early intervention programs, funding for additional resources, and tax credits for businesses that hire people with autism.

Primer: Thriving Economy

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Tue, 01 Oct 2019 17:35:53 GMT

housing, minimum wage, taxes, and attracting business to the state

Background :

Our economy connects us to each other in innumerable ways. It’s difficult to conceptualize, but one person’s success can positively impact the economy as a whole, and thus its other participants. Why is it so important to have a thriving economy? A productive economy with productive citizens stimulates innovation, creates stability, and reduces crime. While the economy exists independent of our government, the government is constantly deciding how to involve itself in a way to create more positive outcomes. Some important issues the Virginia state government is currently dealing with are housing, the minimum wage, taxes, and attracting business to the state.

Looking Back at 2019 :

Despite the fact that it was an odd-numbered year in which the state’s budget was not to be discussed, several extenuating circumstances made the economy a focal point of 2019. After recent changes to the federal tax code, which led to an excess of tax funds, Virginia had to decide whether to use the extra tax money for statewide projects or return the money to citizens. The General Assembly came to a mostly bipartisan agreement, with HB2529 and SB1372, to conform the state tax code to the federal code and give the money back to Virginians.

In addition to its tax conformity, Virginia signed bipartisan legislation to carry out its promises to Amazon. The company, which chose to locate one of its newest $2.5 billion facilities in the Crystal City area of Arlington County, was promised $750 million in cash incentives four years after their creation of 37,850 new jobs. The deal was generally heralded as a major success for the Virginian economy.

The General Assembly also took serious action this year to address issues in Virginia’s housing policies. A Princeton University study, released in 2018, showed that Richmond had the nation’s second-highest eviction rate, followed closely by Hampton, Newport News, Norfolk, and Chesapeake. The report, which was greeted with alarm all across Virginia, led to calls by the Governor and local mayors to remedy the situation. In response, the General Assembly passed seven bills - all based on recommendations from the Virginia Housing Commission - to address the issue. These measures, which passed nearly unanimously, will give tenants more time to pay all amounts owed before eviction, limit the actions a landlord can take to remove a tenant, and require landlords to provide tenants with a lease agreement.

Despite successes in several other economic areas, the General Assembly dodged efforts to increase the minimum wage in this year’s session. Virginia’s current minimum wage stands at $7.25 per hour, which amounts to an annual salary of $15,080 for a person working 40 hours each week for 52 weeks of the year. To remedy this situation and ensure that all working Virginians can support a family, several bills were proposed to increase the minimum wage. All were rejected.

What to Expect in 2020 :

With the outright failure of any efforts to increase the minimum wage, incrementally or otherwise, the 2020 session is sure to see numerous proposals. The proposals vary from gradual to immediate increases and from $10.10 per hour all the way up to $15.00 per hour. Some proposals include a stipulation to index the minimum wage, which means automatically adjusting it to keep pace with the rising cost of living so that minimum wage workers do not lose purchasing power each year. Thirty other states have now raised the minimum wage beyond the federal minimum of $7.25 per hour. Virginia is falling behind and should seriously consider the passage of minimum wage reform during the 2020 General Assembly Session.

Additionally, affordable housing will continue to be at the top of the docket in 2020. Despite the passage of landlord-tenant reforms, Virginia still has an inadequate supply of affordable housing. Especially as costs rise and wages stagnate, affordable housing is incredibly important for the stability of families and their ability to spend money on other necessities like healthcare and food. Virginia took a step in the right direction addressing issues in rental housing but needs to take a look at other issues in housing in this upcoming session.

Election Security

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Thu, 29 Aug 2019 17:33:06 GMT

Election Security: Does it matter?

As Americans, we are proud to claim free and fair elections as a basic tenet of our democracy. The guarantee of “one citizen, one vote” is the hallmark of secure democratic elections. Globally, more than half of all people are denied free and fair elections, among other civil liberties.

Why is election security important?

Election security affects all of us. We go to the polls with the confidence that our vote will count. Even if our candidate doesn’t win, it is our civic duty to represent our interests at the ballot box on election day.

Historically, there are often detractors who will contest the final election results. Yet, in the U.S. there is a long-standing tradition of the losing candidate conceding victory to the winner. The peaceful transition of power is a key part of our democratic ideals.

However, if a majority of people question the validity of an election result, the confidence in our democracy is undermined. Outside interference could open the door to chaos. That’s why the work to ensure election security is so important.

Who is working to ensure our election security?

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) works to protect elections across the U.S. Specifically, the Cyber and Infrastructure Security Agency ( CISA ) is the lead federal agency that collaborates with state governments to ensure election security. The evolving nature of threats to elections requires constant vigilance, innovation, and adaptation.

While this national agency helps to manage risks, the ultimate responsibility of administering any election is on state and local governments.

That’s why the Virginia Department of Elections works closely with DHS and the Virginia Information Technology Agency to provide cyber services that modern-day elections require. With the advent of new technologies, the states face several stumbling blocks to election security.

What are the problems facing election security?

The digital revolution of the 21st century has yielded new technologies that have been incorporated into the electoral process. These have been known to increase the efficiency of elections, but they also come with their own slew of vulnerabilities.

Elections have become easier to manipulate because digital systems are vulnerable to cyber-attacks from hackers.

In July, the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee released a bipartisan report with evidence that Russia targeted U.S. election infrastructure in the 2016 Presidential election. 50 states were targeted in this unprecedented attack on election security.

While the Commonwealth of Virginia administers our elections, it cannot fight the powerful forces of foreign “cyber armies” alone. The federal government did not warn state governments of the extreme threat of foreign election interference. This failure on the part of DHS could continue to put our democracy at risk in future elections.

What are some solutions to election insecurity?

States have a big role to play in securing elections. A basic step is better communication with the federal government to defend against cyber-attacks. Other election infrastructure issues include aging voting equipment, paperless machines without back-ups, and insecure voting registration databases.

The “Help Americans Vote Act” ( HAVA ), established in 2002 and renewed 2018, is a federal grant designed to secure and improve the election system. Virginia is included in the highest funding bracket, receiving over nine million dollars. To receive this grant, the state submitted a funding proposal with an itemized budget of activities.

With the funds, Virginia has big plans for election security: increased cybersecurity training, increased security for elections data, and establishing more robust certification standards for voting equipment.

While there has been no mandate to do, in 2017 many districts in Virginia returned to paper ballots as a means of ensuring election security. So the ballots are hand marked with a voter’s choice and then counted by an electric scanner. Most importantly, the original paper ballots are retained so that they can be verified if a recount becomes necessary. Advocates believe this to be the most secure method. Localities are very often ill-equipped to handle the cyber-security needed to maintain electronic voting machines, leaving paper ballots as a viable alternative.

Our ability to hold secure elections are what make us a free and fair democracy. As voters, we can empower ourselves by staying informed in order to hold our government accountable. It is vital that Virginia continue its efforts to make our votes secure, especially in this election year.

The US Supreme Court’s decision

info@vaourway.org (VOW Ops) — Sun, 30 Jun 2019 17:29:59 GMT

Racially gerrymandered districts

Last week, the US Supreme Court declined to rule on the redistricting case filed by the Virginia House of Delegates. Following the last US Census, several districts were revised by the General Assembly, which has spurred an ongoing battle over Virginia’s voting districts. At the time, the gerrymander was considered a political compromise, but has proven contrary to the Virginia Constitution.

One of the most pressing issues with the new boundaries is that it specifically redistributed a large number of African American voters. Those opposed to this redistricting feared that this move diluted the voting power of the African American community. The initial argument around the redistricting was to comply with the Voting Rights Act, however, many in the space have expressed concerns that the shape of the districts is too unwieldy to achieve their stated purpose.

Regardless of the motivation behind our existing districts, the Virginia constitution requires districts that are “compact” and “contiguous,” which they currently are not. A lower court has already invalidated these districts as unconstitutional and ordered the General Assembly to revise the boundaries based on the court’s parameters.

This is the decision that was recently challenged by the House Republicans. The Supreme Court dismissed the case on procedural grounds stating that the House of Delegates cannot represent Virginians in the lawsuit against other valid branches of government. Additionally, the House, in deciding to take up this case, went against both the Senate and the Virginia Attorney General, both of whom declined involvement.

The Supreme Court has a long history of both hearing and declining to hear redistricting cases. They are notoriously difficult to rule on and experts have yet to come up with a test that can clearly identify gerrymandering. The Court did not decide the case based on the merits of the argument made by the House, but rather on a procedural standing issue, and has given no additional information regarding districting practices. However, the practical effect of the outcome is that the lower court’s decision will stand, and the districts will have to be redrawn.

In the last General Assembly session, there was a “first read” of a constitutional amendment to establish an independent redistricting commission tasked with drawing the new lines. This was a significant first step for non-partisan redistricting. In order for the amendment to take effect, it must pass the 2020 General Assembly session, as well.

Creating fair districts is no simple task, and government entities still have yet to figure out a way to fairly draw these lines. The first step is to ensure that those being elected aren’t able to select their voters. There is a long road ahead, but the Supreme Court’s decision ensured that the process wouldn’t be set back by political gamesmanship.